Examples outside the U.S.

— ~53 mil. Worldwide, 1817-May 1831. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, MD. 10-9-1832, 5.

–3^rd of pop. Arabia, 1817-May 1831. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, MD. 10-9-1832, 5.

–5^th of pop. Armenia, 1817-May 1831. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, MD. 10-9-1832, 5.

— 1,899 Austria, Vienna. Aug, 1831. Tanner. …Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 400,000 Austrian empire. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 25[1]

— Belgium, 1832. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Foreign News,” V43, 9-29-1832, 70.

— 2,220 Canada. 1832. CBC News, Canada. “Cholera’s seven pandemics.” 10-22-2010.

–1,800 “Montreal, Quebec. 1^st 2 weeks. Atkins. Reports Physicians…Cholera…1832. 8

–1,000 “Quebec, Jun 8-21. Atkins. Reports of Hospital Physicians…Cholera of 1832. 8.

— 500-600 “York. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg. “York, Upper Canada.” 10-9-1832, 5.[2]

— 954 Chile, 1832. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.[3]

— Egypt, 1831. Tanner. A Geographical and…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

–~100,000 France. 1831-32. Wikipedia. “Second cholera pandemic (1829-1851).”

–20,000 Paris. Wikipedia. “Second cholera pandemic (1829-1851).”

— Germany. 1831. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg PA. “From France.” 11-1-1831, 2

— Holland, 1832. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Foreign News,” V43, 9-29-1832, 70.

— 237,408 Hungary, 1831. Tanner. A Geographical and…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 220,000 “ Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 25.

–6^th of pop. India, 1817-May 1831. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, MD. 10-9-1832, 5.

— 3,468 Ireland, Dublin by Oct 17, 1832. Niles’…Reg.. “Progress…Cholera.” 12-1-1832, 226

— 100,000 Java (Indonesia). Huron Reflector, Norwalk, OH. “The Cholera.” 9-4-1832, p. 1.

— 500 Luxemburg, by 10-17-1832. Niles’…Reg.. “Progress…Cholera.” 12-1-1832, 226.[4]

–4^th of pop. Mesopotamia (Iraq). Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 10-9-1832, 5.

–15-18K, Bassora (Basrah). Star and Republican Banner, Gettysburg. 11-6-1832.[5]

–1/3 of pop, Baghdad. Star and Republican Banner, Gettysburg. 11-6-1832, 1.

–6^th of pop. Persia (Iran). Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 10-9-1832, 5.

–20^th of pop. Russia, 1817-May 1831. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, MD. 10-9-1832, 5.[6]

— 40,000 Siam/Thailand capital. Huron Reflector, Norwalk OH. “The Cholera.” 9-4-1832, 1

–10^th of pop. Syria, 1817-May 1831. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, MD. 10-9-1832, 5.

— 22,000 U.K. Dec 1831-1833. CBC News. “Cholera’s seven pandemics.” 10-22-2010.

–6,536 London. Wikipedia. “Second cholera pandemic (1829-1851).”

–15-20,000. US & Canada. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, 4.[7]

United States

— ~16,781-18,491 U.S. June-Dec, 1832. Blanchard compilation based upon breakouts below.[8]

Summary of Fatalities by State

Arkansas 2

Connecticut 32 July 11-Sep 10

Delaware 50 Aug 7-26

District of Columbia 500 Aug 18-Oct 1

Illinois 134-174 July 15-Sep 26

Indiana 47- 57

Iowa 1

Kentucky 117 Oct 16-Nov 9

Louisiana 4,740-6,000 Oct-Nov

Maine 4

Maryland ~1,230-1,272-~1,387 July-Nov 17

Massachusetts 50 July-Nov

Michigan 60

Mississippi 21-22 Sep-Nov

Missouri 200 Oct 9-Nov

New Jersey 420-503 July 14-Oct 10

New York 5,862 June 13-Nov 18

North Carolina 41 Sep 23-Oct 31

Ohio 587 Oct 2- Nov 8

Pennsylvania 1,087-1,102 June 26-Dec 17

Rhode Island 26-38 July 25-Oct 13

South Carolina 22 Nov 9-12

Tennessee 77

Vermont 10

Virginia 1,133-1,249 July 24-Nov 6

West Virginia 28-44 Aug 20-Oct 27

U.S. Army 200

Maritime ~100

State Breakouts

Arkansas ( 2)

— 2 Mouth of White River. Niles Weekly Register, Vol. 43, 12-1-1832, 226.

Connecticut, Jul 11-Sep 10 ( 32)

— 32 Statewide Blanchard tally based on numbers below.

— 4 Bridgeport, Aug 18-29. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6 Fairhaven, Aug 20-Sep 5. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 5 Hartford. July 19-20. McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…North America.” 1875, 581.

— 17 New Haven Niles National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, June 6, 1849, 364.

— 17 “ July 11-Sep 10. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 14 “ ~Jul 14-18 McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…In…America.” 1875, 580-81

— 7 New London, Aug 15-29. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 West Haven, Aug 18-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

Delaware, Aug 7-26 ( 50)

— 6 New Castle, Aug 9. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. 8-14-1832, 3.

— 12 “ Aug 7-?. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 38 Wilmington. Niles National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, 6-6-1849, 364

— 38 “ Aug 7-26. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

–~20 “ Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, 5.[9]

District of Columbia (500) Aug 18-Oct 1

— >500 DC. Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” Section I in Wendt, 1885, 24

— 500 “ McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, 584.

— 264 “ Niles’ Weekly Register.[10]

— 260 “ Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, 4.[11]

— >193 “ Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[12]

— 51 Alexandria. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, 104.[13]

— 8 “ To Sep 21. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 7 “ Oct 1. Sandusky Clarion, OH. “Cholera.” 10-17-1832, 2.

— 9 “ Poor-house. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, 104.[14]

— <44 Georgetown, Sep 1-9. Niles Weekly Register, Vol. 43, 9-15-1832, 44.[15]

— 9 “ Sep 5-20. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— >176 Washington City, Aug 18-Sep 20. Tanner. A… Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.[16]

— 4 “ Aug 18-24. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832

— 3 Aug 10-12. McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, 584.

— 9 Aug 25-26. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43. 9-1-1832, 5.

— 1 Aug 27. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43. 9-1-1832, 5.

— 2 Aug 28. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43. 9-1-1832, 5.

— 1 Aug 29. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43. 9-1-1832, 5.

— 1 Aug 30. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43. 9-1-1832, 5.

— 3 Aug 31. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 8 Sep 1-2. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 13 Sep 3. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 10 Sep 4. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 11 Sep 5. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 10 Sep 6. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 7 Sep 7. Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, 44.

— 56 Sep 7-13. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-15-1832, 44.

— 15 Sep 8-9. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-15-1832, 44.

— 13 Sep 10. Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, 44.

— 6 Sep 11. Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, 44.

— >8 Sep 12. Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, 44.

— 6 Sep 13. Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, 44.

— 10 Sep 14. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 4 Sep 15. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 3 Sep 16. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 6 Sep 17. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 5 Sep 18. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 9 Sep 19. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 9 Sep 20. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

Georgia

— Savannah. University of Oregon. “The Epidemic of 1832 (Oct.).” Mapping History.

Illinois, Jul 15-Sep-26 (134-174) Blanchard tally based on numbers below.

— 77 Chicago, July 15-Aug 10. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[17]

— 79 Fort Dearborn Camp. “Chicago Orphan Asylum 1849-1949.” 2008

— 58 “ Quaife. Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835. 1913, p. 332.

— 1 Galena Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, 9-15-1832, 45.

— 3 “ Sep 26. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of…Cholera,” V43, 11-10-1832, 172.

–~80 Rock Island, before Sep 12. Sandusky Clarion, OH. 10-10-1832, 3.

— 62 “ Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, 71.

— 61 “ McClellan. “A History…Cholera…In…America,” 1875, 578.[18]

— 12 Steamer Henry Clay Andreas. History of Chicago, Vol. 1, p. 120.

Indiana (47-57)

20-30 Aurora[19] Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to the Central Valley…,” 2008.

27 Madison, Fall Republican and Banner, Madison, IN. “Extra.” 6-25-1835, p. 1.[20]

Iowa ( >1)

— 1 Sac and Fox Tribe. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p.226.[21]

Kentucky ( ~117) Blanchard tally based on numbers below.

— 2 Covington & vicinity. McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…” 1875, p. 587.

— 28 Frankfort. Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-24-1832, p. 201.

— 11 “ Nov 5-6. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. [Cholera]. 11-27-1832, p. 3.

— 3 Lexington. Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-24-1832, p. 201.[22]

— 6 “ McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…” 1875, p. 587.

–8-10 Louisville. Niles’ Weekly Register, V.43, “Progress of the Cholera,” 10-27-1832, p. 132.[23]

— 5 “ Oct 16. Niles Weekly Register, V. 43, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-3-1832, 149.

— 56 “ Week ending Oct 27. Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, 11-10-1832, 171.[24]

— 3 “ Nov 8/9. Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-24-1832, 201

— 6-7 Maysville Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-3-1832, p. 149.[25]

Lake Michigan ( 19)

— 19 Steamer S. Thompson.[26] McClellan. “A History…Cholera…In…America,” 1875, p. 573.

Louisiana (4,740-6,000)

— 10 Franklin Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, 12-1-1832, p. 236.

— 6,000 New Orleans. Clapp, T. Autobiographical Sketches and Recollections… 1857, p. 129.

— 6,000 “ McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 580.

— 5,000 “ Rosenberg. The Cholera Years. 1962, p. 37.

— 4,740 “ Peters. “General History of the Disease…to 1885,” in Wendt, 1885, p. 25.

— 4,340 “ Lang. “The New New Deal: Learning the Lessons of Katrina.” 9-8-2005.

— 4,000 “ Carrigan. The Saffron Scourge. 1961, p. 68.[27]

— 3,000 “ Huron Reflector, MI, 12-25-1832, p. 3.

— 105 “ Oct 26. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 202[28]

— 145 “ Oct 27. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 202.

— 127 “ Oct 28. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 202.

— 192 “ Oct 29. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 11-20-1832, p. 5.[29]

— 138 “ Oct 29. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 202.

— 104 “ Oct 29. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg. “Cholera…Orleans.” 11-20-1832, p5.

— 160 “ Oct 30. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 202.

— 113 “ Oct 30. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, 4.

— 250 “ Oct 31. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, 4.[30]

— 165 “ Oct 31. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p.202.

— 133 “ Oct 31. NY Journal of Commerce.[31]

— 123 “ Oct 31. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. [Cholera News] 11-20-1832, 4.[32]

— 300 “ Nov 1. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg. “Later from…” 11-27-1832, 3.[33]

— 230 “ Nov 1. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p. 202.

— ~200 “ Nov 1. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.[34]

— 177 “ Nov 1. New-Orleans Bee, 11-3-1832; in Adams Sentinel. 11-27-1832, p. 4.

— 270 “ Nov 2. New-Orleans Bee, 11-3-1832; in Adams Sentinel. 11-27-1832, p. 4.

— 213 “ Nov 3. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, 4.[35]

–~1,000 “ ~Oct 28-Nov 4. Niles’…Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 202.[36]

— 1,070 “ ~Oct 28-Nov 4. Niles’…Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, 225.[37]

— 1,800 “ By Nov 5. Niles’… Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p.202.[38]

–>1,100 “ Oct 30-Nov 6. Niles’…Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 202.[39]

–<1,500 “ Oct 30-Nov 6. Niles’…Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 202.[40]

— >220 “ Nov 6. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 225.

— >220 “ Nov 7. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 225.

— ~60 “ Nov 8. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.

— ~60 “ Nov 9. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.

— ~30 “ Nov 10. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.

— 2,500 “ Oct 23-Nov 10. Niles’…Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, 226.

— ~30 “ Nov 11. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.

— 70 “ Nov Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, 226.[41]

Maine ( 4)

— 3 Bangor.[42] Dec. McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, pp. 581-582.

— 1 Cumberland. Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, “Progress of the Cholera,” 6 Oct 1832, p.84.

Maryland, Aug 4-Nov 17 (~1,230-1,272-~1,387)

–1,228-1,385 State Blanchard tally based on numbers below.[43]

— 2 Annapolis, Aug 27-31. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1,000 Baltimore. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.[44]

— 1,000 “ Quaife. Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835. 1913, p. 329.

— 986 “ Bramucci. Medicine in Maryland 1752-1920.

— 853 “ early July-Nov 4. Cordell. Medical Annals of Maryland…. 1903, p. 693.[45]

— 853 “ Aug 4-end. Jameson, H. G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 110.[46]

— 834 “ Aug 23-Oct 30. Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore and Frederick Herald.[47]

— 774 “ Aug 10-Sep 20. Tanner. A… Account of…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[48]

— 710 “ Up to Sep 29. US Central Pub. Co. Important Events…1776-1876, p. 72.

— 692 “ Aug 27-Sep 24. Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, “Progress of…,” 9-29-1832, 65.

— 649 “ Aug 10-Sep 20. Tanner. A… Account of…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[49]

— 2 “ Aug 4, 1^st deaths. Jameson. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 108.

— 1 “ ~Aug 7. Jameson, H.G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 109.[50]

— 1 “ Aug 10. Jameson, H.G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 115.[51]

— 1 “ Aug 11. Jameson, H.G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 115.[52]

— 12 “ Aug 13. Jameson, H.G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 109.

— 54 “ Aug 11-20. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Aug 15. Jameson, H.G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 116.[53]

— 1 “ Aug 19. Jameson, H.G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 117.[54]

— 13 “ Aug 21. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 11 “ Aug 22. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 19 “ Aug 23. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 10 “ Aug 24. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 14 “ Aug 25. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-1-1832, 5.

— 12 “ Aug 26. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-1-1832, 5.

— 23 “ Aug 27. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-1-1832, 5.

— 12 “ Aug 28. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-1-1832, 5.

— 15 “ Aug 29. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-1-1832, 5.

— 13 “ Aug 30. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-1-1832, 5.

— 99 “ Aug 23-30. Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 2.

— 30 “ Aug 31. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-1-1832, 5.

— 20 “ Sep 1. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 35 “ Sep 2. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 35 “ Sep 3. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 15 “ Sep 4. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 170 “ Aug 28-Sep 3 Niles’ Weekly Reg.. “Progress…Cholera.” 43, 9-8-1832, p. 24[55]

— 226 “ Sep 4-10. Frederick Herald, MD. “Health of Baltimore.” 9-29-1832, p. 1.

— 246 “ Sep 4-10. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-15-1832, p. 44.[56]

— 21 “ Sep 5. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 33 “ Sep 6. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 55 “ Sep 7. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.

— 28 “ Sep 8. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 24 “ Sep 9. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 23 “ Sep 10. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832

— 20 “ Sep 11. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in Baltimore,” 9-15-1832, p. 3.

— 135 “ Sep 11-17. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.[57]

— 25 “ Sep 12. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in Baltimore,” Sep 15, 1832, p. 3.

— 17 “ Sep 13. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in Baltimore,” Sep 15, 1832, p. 3.

— 19 “ Sep 14. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 18 “ Sep 15. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 8 “ Sep 16. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 5 “ Sep 17. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 4 “ Sep 18. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 40 “ Sep 18-24. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, p. 52.

— 4 “ Sep 19. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 10 “ Sep 20. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 8 “ Sep 21. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 2 “ Sep 22. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.[58]

— 6 “ Sep 23. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.

— 4 “ Sep 24. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.

— 6 “ Sep 25. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.[59]

— 3 “ Sep 26. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.

— 2 “ Sep 27. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.

— 1 “ Sep 28. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.

— 18-21 “ Sep 29-Oct 4. Niles’ Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-6-1832, p. 84.[60]

— 1 “ Sep 30. Jameson, H.G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 126.[61]

— 2 “ Oct 1. Sandusky Clarion, OH. “Cholera.” 10-17-1832, p. 2.

— 12 “ Oct 5-11. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of…Cholera,” 10-13-1832, 104.

— 10 “ Oct 12-18. Niles’ Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, p. 117.

— 2 “ Oct 13. Jameson, H.G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 127.[62]

— 25 “ Oct 16-23. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p132.

— 10 “ Oct 24-30. Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, 3 Nov 1832, p. 148.

— >3 “ Nov 4-10. Niles’ Weekly Reg.. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, 171.[63]

— 1 “ Nov 11-17. Niles’ Weekly Reg., “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 201.

— 125 Balt. County Almshouse. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” 9-8-1832, 24.

— 1 Boonsboro. By Sep 12. Frederick Herald, MD. 9-22-1832, p. 3.

— 1 Cambridge. Sep 15. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of…Cholera,” 9-22-1832, p52.

— 5 “ Sep 23-29. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” 10-6-1832, p.84.

— >8 Charles County, Western Shore. Niles Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, 71.

— 2 Church Creek. Sep 16-22. Niles’ Weekly Reg., “Progress…Cholera,” 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 1 Denton. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of the Cholera,” V.43, 11-3-1832, 148.

— 2 Easton, Sep 24. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[64]

— 3 Frederick, Sep 5-11. Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, 15 Sep 1832, p. 44.

— 6 “ by Sep 16. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 21 “ Sep 18-24. Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.

— 17 “ Sep 25-Oct 2. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 10-13-1832, 104.

— 2 “ Oct 3-6. Frederick Herald, MD. “Report of…Board of Health.” 10-6-1832, 2.

— 130 “ By Oct 2. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “The Cholera.” 10-2-1832, p. 3.[65]

— 3 Frederick Alms House, by Sep 1. Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 9-1-1832, 2

–~70-105 Hagerstown. Sep 9-15. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, 45.[66]

— 3 “ Sep 29-Oct 6. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-6-1832, p84 [67]

— 3 “ Oct 7. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Deaths by Cholera.” 10-19-1832, p. 3.

— 1 “ Oct 8. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Deaths by Cholera.” 10-19-1832, p. 3.

— 1 “ Oct 12. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Deaths by Cholera.” 10-19-1832, p. 3.

— 17 “ Oct 12-19. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “The Cholera.” 10-19-1832, p. 2.[68]

— 2 “ Oct 13. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Deaths by Cholera.” 10-19-1832, p. 3.

— 1 “ Oct 18. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. [Kennedy Obituary] 10-19-1832, p. 2.

— 17 “ Oct 23-27. Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.

— 3 “ Oct 28-Nov 3. Niles’… Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-3-1832, p. 148.[69]

— 1 “ Nov 4-10. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-10-1832, 171.

— 4 Holman’s, Sep 13. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[70]

— 1 Leitersburg, Sep 22. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. [Cholera] 10-2-1832, p. 3.

— 9 Maryland Tract, Sep. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[71]

— 7 Point of Rocks, Aug 19-30. Tanner. A… Account of…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832

— 2 Port Deposit, Sep 3-4. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[72]

— 4 Queenstown, Sep 1-3. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[73]

— 11 St. Michael’s, Talbot Co. McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, 583.

— 10 “ Aug 24-Sep 3. Tanner. A… Account…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— >3 Sharpsburg. Frederick Herald, MD. 9-22-1832, p. 3.[74]

— 1 Southbridge, Sep 21. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 22 Snowhill, Aug 11-Sep 15. Tanner. A… Account of…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[75]

— 1 Wye, Sep 1. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

Massachusetts, Jul-Nov ( 50)

–50 Statewide. Blanchard tally based on numbers below.

— 1 Andover. Aug 18. McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, p. 581.

— 5 “ Aug 18-Sep 7. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

–29 Boston. Aug-end.[76] McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, p. 581.

–24 “ Aug 15-Nov. Niles National Reg., “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V75, 6-6-1849, p364.

–14 “ Aug 15-Sep 14. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Sep 15. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 1 “ Sep 21. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p.71.

— 1 “ Oct 13, 1832. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, p. 104.

— 8 “ Oct 23. Niles’ Weekly Reg., “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-3-1832, p.148.

— 1 Charlestown, Sep 1. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Haverhill, Aug 23-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 5 Mount Washington. McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, 581.

— 1 North Brookfield. Jul 20. McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, 581.

— 3 “ Jul 20-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Pepperell, Aug 15-Sep 1. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Shirley, Aug 21-31. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

Michigan ( 60)

— 30 Detroit. Beck. Report on Cholera, made to his Excellency Governor Throop. 1832, p353.

— 56 Fort Gratiot, Detroit. Quaife. Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835. 1913, p. 330.

— 39 “ McClellan. “A History…Asiatic Cholera…In…America,” 1875, p571-572.

— 4 Fort Mackinac. McClellan. “A History…Asiatic Cholera…In…America,” 1875, p. 573.

Mississippi ( 21-22)

–5-6 Natchez. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 9-18-1832, p. 5.

— 3 Natchez. Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, “Progress…Cholera,” 24 Nov 1832, p. 201.[77]

— 16 Vicksburg, up to Nov 1. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p.226.

— 10 “ Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. [Cholera]. 11-27-1832, p. 3.

Missouri, Oct 9-Nov ( ~200)

— 500 St. Louis, 1832-1835. Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to the Central Valley…,” 2008.[78]

— 200 “ Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.

— >33 “ Oct 9-23. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, 172.

— 22 “ Oct 23. Lycoming Gazette, Williamsport, PA. 11-14-1832, p. 2.

— 6 “ Oct 24. Lycoming Gazette, Williamsport, PA. 11-14-1832, p. 2.[79]

New Jersey, Jul 14-Oct 10 (420-503) Statewide.[80] Blanchard tally based on numbers below.

— 80 Bergen Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V75, 6-6-1849, p. 364.

— 80 “ Aug 15-Oct 10. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Burlington, Aug 17. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 10 Countryside.[81] McClellan. “A History…Cholera…America.” 1875, p582.

— 40 Elizabethtown, Jul 22-Aug 24. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Hanover McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, 582.

— 6 Jersey City, Jul 16-Aug 9. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 7 Lumberville, Jul 14-Aug 23. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6-7 Manchester Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p.5.[82]

— 19 Millstone, Jul 16-Aug 1. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Morristown McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, p. 582.

— 18 New Bridge, near Hackensack. Frederick Herald, MD. “Great Mortality.” 10-20-1832, 1.

— 42 New Brunswick. Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V75, 6-6-1849, p. 364.

— 42 “ Jul 14-Sep 30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 13 NJ Canal, sec. 40. McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, p. 582.

— 64 Newark Niles’ National Register. “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V75, 6-6-1849, 364.

— 10 “ McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, p. 582.

— 49 “ by Aug 25. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p.5.

— 6 Nottingham, Sep 1-10. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

–130 Paterson Zalenski. “1832 Cholera Epidemic, Paterson, NJ.” 2000.[83]

— 33 “ by Aug 20. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p.5.

— 47 “ Aug 11-Sep 11. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 5 Plainfield McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, p. 582.

— 10 “ Jul 19-23. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Princeton, by Aug 7. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.

— 17 “ Jul 16-Sep 2. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Somers, Sep. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 40 Trenton, Jul 16-Sep 20. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 Westfield, Jul 16-22. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

New York, Jun 13-Nov 18 (~5,862)

–~5,862 State. Blanchard tally based on locality numbers below.

— 600 Albany. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.[84]

— 406 “ Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, June 6, 1849, p. 364.

— 406 “ Jul 3-Sep 3. Tanner. A Geographical and…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 401 “ Reynolds. Albany Chronicles. 1906, pp. 491-493.

— 7 “ Jul 16. Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 7-21-1832, p. 3.

— 18 “ Jul 28. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 17 “ Jul 29. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 10 “ Jul 30. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 8 “ Aug 1. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 7 “ Aug 2. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 8 “ Aug 3. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 6 “ Aug 4. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 8 “ Aug 5. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 14 “ Aug 6. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 9 “ Aug 7. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 8 “ Aug 23. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 5 “ Aug 24. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 3 “ Aug 25. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 6 “ Aug 26. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 4 “ Aug 27. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 16 “ Sep 9-15. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, 45.

— 1 Albion, Jul 30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 13 Athens, Aug 3-Sep 13. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 17 Auburn, Jul 25-Sep 5. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 Barnegat, Aug 2-8. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 7 Batavia, Aug 22-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Bedford, Jul 25-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Blackwell’s Island, Aug 3-9. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832

— 191 Brooklyn. Niles’ Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V75, 6-6-1849, 364.

— 191 “ Jul 11-Sep 20. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 7 “ Aug 1. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.

— 3 Brownsville, Aug 22-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 120 Buffalo. Powell, “The Cholera Epidemic of 1832,” The Buffalonian.

— 144 “ Niles’ Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V75, 6-6-1849, 364.

— 144 “ July 15-Sep 10. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 14 “ July 22-28. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.

— 4 “ July 26-27. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.

— 8 Catskill, Aug 22-Sep 3. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Clinton, Aug 23-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 Clyde, Aug 10-Sep 1. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Columbiaville, Sep 1. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Fishkill Landing, July 24. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Flatlands, Sep 3. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 9 Flushing, July 25-Aug 31. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Fort Ann, June 14-17. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Fort Miller, June 13-23, Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 9 Geddes, July 29-Sep 7. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Haverstraw, Aug 4-10. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Johnstown, July 24-Aug 4. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Kinderhook Landing, Aug 23. Tanner. A Geographical…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 5 Kingston, July 7-28. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Lansingburg, July 22-24. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 17 Lenox, Aug 13-Sep 3. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 7 Liverpool, Aug 13-Sep 3. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Lockport, Niagara County. Beck. “Report on Cholera… Aug, 1832, p. 356.

— 5 “ Jul 19-Aug 27. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Lyons, Jul 7-14. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Manchester, Aug 12-14. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Manlius, Aug 13-17. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Mechanicsville, Jun 18-21. Tanner. A Geographical…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Melville, Aug 29. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 13-18 Mendon. Atkins. Reports…Hospital Physicians…Cholera of 1832. 1832, 20.

— 4,000 New York. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, 4.[85]

— 4.000 “ Simonds. American Date Book. 1902, p. 83.

— 4,000 “ US Central Pub. Co. Important Events of the Century: 1776-1876, p. 72.

— 4,000 “ June 27-Oct 19. Willsey. “New York,” Harper’s Book of Facts. 1895, p. 568.

— 3,515 “ Hartshorne. Essentials of…Principles… Medicine (5^th ed.). 1881, p. 481.[86]

— 3,515 “ Wilford, “How Epidemics Helped Shape…Metropolis,” NYT, 2008[87]

–~3,500 “ New York Times, “Epidemics of New-York,” Feb 16, 1896.

–>3,500 “ Wikipedia. “Timeline of New York City Crimes and Disasters.”

— 3,496 “ July 1-Oct 21. Niles…Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.

— 3,447 “ July 1-Sep 29. Niles…Register, V.43, “Progress…Cholera,” 10-6-1832, p. 84.

— 3,325 “ July 7-Sep 15. Niles’…Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p. 52.

— 2,996 “ by Sep 1. Atkins. Reports of Hospital Physicians…Cholera of 1832. 1832, p.12.

— 2,996 “ Jul 2-Sep 2. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-8-1832, p.23.

— 2,935 “ Coan. “Pestilences in the United States,” Chautauquan, Vol. 9, 1888, 101.

— 2,521 “ OH Repository, “History and Progress of Cholera.” Sep 6, 1833.

— 2,314 “ Jul 3-Sep 2. Tanner. A Geographical and…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2,214 “ Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, 6-6-1849, p. 364.

— 853 “ (in the 5 Board of Health hospitals). Atkins. Reports of Hospital… 1832, p. 11.

— 300 “ Bellevue Alms House. Niles’ Reg. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24

— 56 “ July 1-7. Niles’…Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V. 43, 9-8-1832, p. 23.

— 55 “ July 11 (116 grand total). Frederick Herald MD. “The Cholera.” 7-21-1832, p.3.

— 57 “ July 12 (237 grand total). Frederick Herald MD. “The Cholera.” 7-21-1832, 3.[88]

— 42 “ July 13 (286 grand total). Frederick Herald MD. “The Cholera.” 7-21-1832, p.3.

— 66 “ July 14 (352 grand total). Frederick Herald MD. “The Cholera.” 7-21-1832, p.3.

— 336 “ July 8-14. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 23.

— 84 “ July 15 (436 grand total). Frederick Herald MD. “The Cholera.” 7-21-1832, p.3.

— 94 “ July 16 (530 grand total). Frederick Herald MD. “The Cholera.” 7-21-1832, p.3.

— 60 “ July 17 (590 grand total). Frederick Herald MD. “The Cholera.” 7-21-1832, p.3.

— 72 “ July 18 (656 grand total). Frederick Herald MD. “The Cholera.” 7-21-1832, p.3.

— 716 “ July 15-21. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 23.

— 68 “ July 28. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 686 “ July 22-28. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 23.

— 39 “ July 29. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 39 “ July 30. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 48 “ July 31. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 41 “ Aug 1. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 38 “ Aug 3. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, p3.

— 54 “ Aug 4. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, p3.

— 383 “ July 29-Aug 4. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 23.

— 39 “ Aug 5. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, p3.

— 59 “ Aug 6. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, p3.

— 32 “ Aug 7. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, p3.

— 55 “ Aug 8. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, p3.

— 34 “ Aug 9. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in New York.” 8-14-1832, p3.

— 26 “ Aug 10. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-17-1832, p. 2.

— 33 “ Aug 11. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-17-1832, p. 2.

— 261 “ Aug 5-11. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, p. 23.

— 23 “ Aug 12. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-17-1832, p. 2.

— 23 “ Aug 13. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Cholera in New York.” 8-17-1832, p. 2.

— 222 “ Aug 12-18. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, p. 23.

— 28 “ Aug 23. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 20 “ Aug 24. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 14 “ Aug 25. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 178 “ Aug 19-25. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, p. 23.

— 23 “ Aug 26. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 13 “ Aug 27. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 10 “ Aug 28. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.

— 6 “ Aug 29. Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 2.

— 138 “ Aug 26-Sep 2. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 23.

— 201 “ Sep 9-15. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.

— 128 “ Sep 9-15. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 72 “ Sep 23-29. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p.71.

— 50 “ Sep 24-30. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 10-6-1832, 85.[89]

— 24 “ Oct 1-6. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, p.104.

— 14 “ Oct 7-13. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, 117.

— 14 “ Oct 21-28. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 11-3-1832, p148.

— >3 “ Nov 4-10. Niles’ Weekly Reg.. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.[90]

— 2 “ Nov 12-18. Niles’…Register. “Progress of…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p.201[91]

— 2 New Castle, July 25-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— >10 Newburg, Aug 20-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 Nyack, July 31-Aug 18. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 49 Ogdensburg. Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, 6-6-1849, p. 364.

— 2 Oriskany, Aug 30-31. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Ossining, late July. Beck. “Report on Cholera, made to his Excellency…” 1832, p. 354.

— 2 Oswego, Jul 30-Aug 2. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 11 Oyster Bay, Aug 18-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 Palmyra, Jul 19-29. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6 Plattsburg. Gettysburg Star & Republican Banner. “The Cholera!,” 7-3-1832.

— 13 “ June 13-July 6. Tanner. A Geographical…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Potsdam, Aug 7-Sep Sep 3. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 71 Poughkeepsie Poor House. Niles Weekly Register, V. 43, 8 Sep 1832, p. 24.

— 15[92] “ “ Aug 4. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Poughkeepsie.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 13 “ “ Aug 5. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Poughkeepsie.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 8 “ “ Aug 6. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Poughkeepsie.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 12 “ “ Aug 7. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Poughkeepsie.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 5 “ “Aug 6-7. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Poughkeepsie.” 8-14-1832, 3.

— 162 “ Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V75, 6-6-1849, 364.

— 102 “ Aug 3-31. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 108 Rochester. Green Bay Spectator (WI). “Cholera in Rochester,” Oct 12, 1852, p. 4.

— 121 “ Halsey, Richard T. “The Cholera Epidemic of 1832 in Rochester.” 2000.

— 135 “ Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, June 6, 1849, 364.

— 135 “ July 23-Sep 10. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 17 “ July 23-29. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 19 “ July 30-Aug 5. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 25 “ Aug 6-12. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 32 “ Aug 13-19. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 23 “ Aug 20-26. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 14 “ Aug 27-Sep 2. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 “ Sep 3-9. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 5 Rome, Aug 12-16. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Rotterdam, Aug 13-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Rush, Sep 2-3. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Rye, Sep 2-4. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 Sackett’s Harbor, July 25-Aug 12. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… 1832.

— 2 Sandy Hill, June. Tanner. A Geographical…Account… Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Saugerties, Aug 2-9. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 44 Schenectady, July 12-Sep 5. Tanner. A Geographical…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 25 Schoharie, Aug 7-Sep 3. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Seneca Falls, July 12-14. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 162 Sing Sing Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, 6-6-1849, p. 364.

— 100 Sing Sing State Prison (Ossining). Niles Weekly Register, V. 43, 8 Sep 1832, p. 24.

— 44 “ July 17-30. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. 8-7-1832, 3.

— 72 “ July 17-Aug 6. Beck. “Report on Cholera…” 1832, 354.

— 5 “ July 27. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.

— 7 “ July 28. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.

— 4 “ July 30. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.

— 4 Somers, Aug 14-23. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 5 Staten Island, Aug 27-Sep 11. Tanner. A Geographical…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Stuyvesant’s Landing, Sep 3-5. Tanner. A Geographical…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 Tarrytown, Jul 25-Aug 6. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 177 Utica Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, June 6, 1849, 364.

— 177 “ Aug 12-Sep 9. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 44 “ Aug 12-18. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 33 “ by Aug 20. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-1-1832, 5

— 81 “ Aug 19-25. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 32 “ Aug 26-Sep 1. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 20 “ Sep 2-8. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Victor, Aug 21-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 13 Waddington, June 18-July 28. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Walden, July 25-27. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 Wampsville, Aug 14-24. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 Waterloo, Aug 27-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 West Farms, July 25-27. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6 West Troy, July 4-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 30 Westchester Co. State Prison. July 24-31. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. 8-7-1832, 3.

— 7 Westville, Aug 25-Sep 6. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 White Plains, Jul 25-Aug 3. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832

— 3 Whitehall, Jun 14-17. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 7 Williamsburg, Aug 3-20. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

NY Maritime:

— 5-6 Columbia (late July, Albany to Syracuse). Beck. “Report on Cholera…” 1832, p. 360.

— 9 Western Barge. Beck. “Report on Cholera, made to his Excellency…” 1832, p. 356.

North Carolina ( 41)

— 15 Edenton, week ending Oct 24. Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, 10 Nov 1832, p. 171.

— 3 “ week ending Oct 31. Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, 24 Nov 1832, p. 201.

— 10 Elizabeth City, Aug 9-Sep 8. Niles’ Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 10 “ Aug 9-Sep 8. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 13 “ Sep 23-29. Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, 6 Oct 1832, p. 84.

Ohio, Oct 2-Nov 8 (587)

— 517 Cincinnati. Yandell. An Account of…Cholera…Lexington…1833. 1833, p. 22.

— 500 “ Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.[93]

— 423 “ Oct. Greve. Centennial History of Cincinnati…, V1. 1904, p. 588.

–~400 “ by Oct 31. Lycoming Gazette, Williamsport, PA. 11-14-1832, p. 2.[94]

— 351 “ Oct. Howe. Historical Collections of Ohio (Vol. II). 1891, p. 38.

— 351 “ to Oct 26. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 11-3-1832, p. 149.

Cincinnati Daily and Weekly

— 144 Oct 2-16. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.

— 127 Oct 10-17. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-03-1832, p. 149.

— 117 Oct 10-17. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg PA. “The Cholera.” 11-6-1832.

–14. Oct 12. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, p. 118.

–18. Oct 12. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.

–28. Oct 13. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.

–25. Oct 14. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.

–24. Oct 15. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.

–25. Oct 16. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.

–17. Oct 17. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.

— 18. Oct 18. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg. “The Cholera.” 11-6-1832, p. 3.

— 20. Oct 19. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg. “The Cholera.” 11-6-1832, p. 3.

— 19. Oct 19. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-03-1832, p. 149.

— 39. Oct 20. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-03-1832, p. 149.

— 41. Oct 21. Greve. Centennial History of Cincinnati…, Vol. 1. 1904 p. 588.

— 19. Oct 21. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-03-1832, p. 149.

— 23. Oct 22. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-03-1832, p. 149.

— 20. Oct 23. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-03-1832, p. 149.

— 15. Oct 24. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-03-1832, p. 149.

— 20. Oct 25. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-03-1832, p. 149.

— 16. Oct 26. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-03-1832, 149.[95]

— 13. Oct 27. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-10-1832, 171.[96]

— 13. Oct 28. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.

— 8. Oct 29. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.

— 9. Oct 30. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.

— 7. Oct 31. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.

— 6. Nov 1. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.

— 19. Nov 2-8 Niles’ Weekly Register, Vol. 43, 11-24-1832, p. 201.

— 0. Nov 2. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.

— 64 Cleveland. Encyclopedia of Cleveland History, “The Cholera Epidemic of 1832”

–14 “ Oct 3-5. Huron Reflector, Norwalk, OH. “Cholera in Cleveland.” 10-9-1832, 1.[97]

— 9 “ Oct 15. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 10-23-1832, p. 3.

— 1 Mt. Vernon. Sandusky Clarion, OH. 10-17-1832, p. 3.

— 5 Rockport Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, p104.

Pennsylvania (~1,087-~1,102) Jun 26-Dec 17 Blanchard tally based on numbers below.[98]

— 70 Arch St. Prison, Philadelphia, Aug 5. Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, 9-29-1832, p72-73.[99]

— 3 Carlisle, Dec 17. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, Pa. “The Health,” 12-25-1832, 2.[100]

— 7 Chambersburg, Oct 13-14. Niles’… Reg., “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, p118.

— 3 Chester. Rosenberg. The Cholera Years, 1962, p. 37.[101]

— 12 Darby, Jul 31-Sep 1. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.[102]

— 57 East Whiteland. Daily Times, Delaware Co., PA. “Memorial…1832 Irish…” 2-27-2012.

— 1 Erie. June 26. McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…North America.” 1875, p. 586.

— 11 “ Jun 26-?. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Frankford, Aug 12-30. Tanner. A…Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[103]

— 5 Germantown. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, p24.[104]

— 14 “ Aug 12-Sep 12. Tanner. A…Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 Hamburg, Jul 27-Aug 1. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6 Manayunk, Aug 7-Sep 6. Tanner. A…Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832. [105]

— >3 Marcus Hook. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, 71.[106]

— 2 Milford, Aug 22-31. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[107]

— 11 New Garden, Aug 27-Sep 5. Tanner. A… Account… Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832[108]

— 4 Nicetown, Aug 21-29. Tanner. A…Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[109]

— 1,000 Philadelphia. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.[110]

— 1,000 “ Quaife. “…Plague.” Chicago…Old Northwest, 1673-1835. 1913, p.329.[111]

— 935 “ Independence Hall Assoc., Philadelphia. “Philadelphia Timeline, 1892.”

— 935 “ Simonds. The American Date Book. 1902, p. 83.

— 935 “ U.S. Central Pub. Co. Important Events of the Century: 1776-1876, p. 72.

— 935 “ July 5-Oct 4. Willsey/Lewis. “Philadelphia,” Harper’s Book of Facts. 1895, 628.

— 913 “ July 28-Sep 8. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.[112]

— 747 “ Ohio Repository, “History and Progress of the Cholera,” 9-6-1832.

— 746 “ Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V75, 6-6-1849, p364.

— 746 “ Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 615 “ Hartshorne. Essentials of…Principles… Medicine (5^th ed.). 1881, p.481.

— 2 “ July 27. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera at Philadelphia.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 5 “ July 28. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera at Philadelphia.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 1 “ July 29. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera at Philadelphia.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 8 “ July 30. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera at Philadelphia.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 9 “ July 31. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera at Philadelphia.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 8 “ Aug 1. Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera at Philadelphia.” 8-4-1932, p. 2.

— 15 “ Aug 2. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 14 “ Aug 3. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 13 “ Aug 4. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-14-1832, 3

— 41 “ Aug 5. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-14-1832, 3

— 71 “ Aug 6. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-14-1832, 3

— 73 “ Aug 7. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-14-1832, 3

— 46 “ Aug 8. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-14-1832, 3

— 58 “ Aug 9. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-14-1832, 3

— 41 “ Aug 10. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-17-1832, 2.[113]

— 33 “ Aug 11. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-17-1832, p. 2.

— 31 “ Aug 12. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-17-1832, p. 2.

— 49 “ Aug 13. The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 8-17-1832, p. 2.

— 37 “ Aug 14. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 23 “ Aug 15. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 30 “ Aug 16. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 26 “ Aug 17. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 18 “ Aug 18. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 11 “ Aug 19. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 67 “ Aug 19-25. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-1-1832, 5.

— 18 “ Aug 20. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 9 “ Aug 21. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 9 “ Aug 22. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 10 “ Aug 23. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-1-1832, 5

— 10 “ Aug 24. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-1-1832, 5

— 10 “ Aug 25. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-1-1832, 5

— 6 “ Aug 26. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-1-1832, 5

— 7 “ Aug 27. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-1-1832, 5

— 2 “ Aug 28. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-1-1832, 5

— 4 “ Aug 29. Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 2.

— 3 “ Aug 30. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 23.

— 5 “ Aug 31. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 23.

— 740 “ Aug 1-Sep 1. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, 65.

— 3 “ Sep 1. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 0 “ Sep 2. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 18 “ Sep 2-8. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.[114]

— 3 “ Sep 3. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Sep 4. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Sep 5. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Sep 6. Tanner. A…Statistical Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6 “ Sep 9-15. Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.

— 13 “ Sep 9-15. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.[115]

— 8 “ Sep 16-22. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, p.52.

— 6 “ Sep 23-29. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p.71.

— 2 Pittsburgh, Oct 23. Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-3-1832, 149.

— 3 “ Oct 23. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg. “Cholera at Pittsburg.” 11-13-1832, 3

— 9 West Chester, Aug 18-26. Tanner. A…Account of…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[116]

— 3 Williamsport. Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, 10-27-1832, p. 132. [117]

Rhode Island (26-38) Jul 25-Oct 13.

– 26-38 Statewide. Blanchard tally based on numbers below.

— 9 Newport[118] McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p.580.

–15-29 Providence. Blanchard tally based on numbers below.

— 1 “ July 25. McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In…America.” 1875, p580.

— 1 “ July 31. McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In…America.” 1875, 580.

— 25 “ Aug-Sep. McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…In…America.” 1875, p. 580.

— 15 “ July 26-Sep 12. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Oct 6. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-6-1832, 84

— 1 “ Oct 13. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, p104.

South Carolina ( ~22) Nov 9-12

— 1 Charleston. Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, “Progress of the Cholera,” 11-17-1832, p178.[119]

–~3 Folly Island. Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, “Progress of the Cholera,” 11-17-1832, p178.[120]

–15 “ By Nov 9. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 201.

— 2 “ Nov 10. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 201.

— 5 “ Nov 11. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 201.

— 0 “ Nov 12. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 201.

Tennessee ( 77)

–77 Nashville. US Central Pub. Co. Important Events of the Century: 1776-1876, p. 72.

— 3 “ Adams Sentinel and General Advertiser (Gettysburg). Dec 25, 1832, p. 6.[121]

Vermont ( ~10)

— 2 Burlington, June 16-22. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 Burlington Thompson 1842, History of Vermont, p. 221.

— 2 Castleton, July 31-Aug 1. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 Vergennes, Aug 23-30. Tanner. A Geographical…Account…Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6 Other than Burlington Thompson 1842, History of Vermont, p. 221.

Virginia (1,133-1,249) Jul 24-Nov 6

–1,133-1,249 Blanchard tally based on numbers below.

— 25 Fortress Monroe. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-15-1832, p. 45.

— 25 “ Aug 20-Sep 6. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 “ Aug 20. Niles’ Weekly Reg., “Progress of…Cholera,” V43, 9-1-1832, 5.

— >3 Hampton. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, 71.[122]

— 16 Lynchburg. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of the Cholera,” V. 43, 10-13-1832, 104.

— 500 Norfolk. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.[123]

— 400 “ July 24-Sep 11. Niles Weekly Register, “Progress of…,” V43, 9-22-1832, p. 52.

— 405 “ Niles’ National Register, “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, 6-6-1849, p. 364.

— 405 “ July 24-Sep 11. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 400 “ Up to Sep 11. US Central Pub. Co. Important Events…1776-1876, p. 72.

— 9 “ July 24-Aug 1. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 9 “ Aug 2-3. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 14 “ Aug 4. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832

— 15 “ Aug 5. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 12 “ Aug 6. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. 8-14-1832, 3; Tanner 1832.

— 10 “ Aug 7. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. 8-14-1832, 3; Tanner 1832.

— 9 “ Aug 8. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 20 “ Aug 9. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 11 “ Aug 10. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 12 “ Aug 11. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 38 “ Aug 12. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 14 “ Aug 13. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 22 “ Aug 14. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 19 “ Aug 15. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 26 “ Aug 16. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 16 “ Aug 17. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 10 “ Aug 18. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— unclear “ Aug 19. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 9 “ Aug 20. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 8 “ Aug 21. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6 “ Aug 22. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 8 “ Aug 23. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43. 9-1-1832, 5; Tanner.

— 6 “ Aug 24. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43. 9-1-1832, 5; Tanner.

— 6 “ Aug 25. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43. 9-1-1832, 5; Tanner.

— 9 “ Aug 26. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43. 9-1-1832, 5; Tanner.

— 7 “ Aug 27. Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera.” V43. 9-1-1832, 5; Tanner.

— 7 “ Aug 28. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 “ Aug 29. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 9 “ Aug 30. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 “ Aug 31. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Sep 1. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 7 “ Sep 2. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 “ Sep 3. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6 “ Sep 4. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 “ Sep 5. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 6 “ Sep 6. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 7 “ Sep 7-8. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 15 “ Sep 9-11. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 10 Northumberland County. Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, 27 Oct 1832, p. 132. [124]

— 14 Old Point Comfort, Aug 20-27. Niles’ Reg., “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-8-1832, 24[125]

— 1 Petersburg. Sep 14. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 250 Portsmouth. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, 4.[126]

— 185 “ Niles’ National Reg. “Camphor vs. Cholera,” V.75, 6-6-1849, 364; Tanner.

— 165 “ July 25-Sep 1. Tanner. A… Account…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[127]

— 21 “ July 24-29. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.

— 23 “ July 25-29. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 11 “ July 30-Aug 3. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 17 “ Aug 4. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 11 “ Aug 5. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 18 “ Aug 6. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 7 “ Aug 7. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 11 “ Aug 8. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 16 “ Aug 9-11. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 11 “ Aug 12-13. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 5 “ Aug 14-15. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 5 “ Aug 16. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 “ Aug 17. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Aug 18. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 “ Aug 19. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 “ Aug 20. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 “ Aug 21. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Aug 22. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 “ Aug 23. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 “ Aug 24. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Aug 25. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 4 “ Aug 26. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 3 “ Aug 27. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Aug 29. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 1 “ Aug 30. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 0 “ Sep 1. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 500 Richmond. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.[128]

— 483 “ Kollatz. “Life in the Time of Cholera.” Richmondmag.com, 8-18-2015.[129]

— 6 “ Before Sep 12. Niles’ Register.. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 6 “ Sep 7-12. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 40 “ Sep 7-Oct 17. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 11 “ Sep 7-12. Niles’ Weekly Reg., “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 4 “ Sep 13. Tanner. A… Account of the Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.

— 2 “ Sep 14. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 3 “ Sep 15. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.

— 70 “ Sep 11-20. Niles’ Weekly Reg., “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, 71

— 45 “ Sep 21-24. Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, 29 Sep 1832, 71.

— 164 “ Sep 25-Oct 1. Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, 6 Oct 1832, 84.

— 32 “ Oct 3. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 10-13-1832, 103.[130]

— 479 “ From beginning to late Oct. Niles’ Weekly Reg., V. 43, 27 Oct 1832, 132.[131]

— 479 “ Up to Nov 6. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. 11-6-1832, p. 4.[132]

— 450 “ As of Nov 6. Gettysburg Republican Compiler, PA. Nov 6, 1832, p. 4.

— >3 Smithfield. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.[133]

West Virginia (28-44) Aug 20-Oct 27

— 5 Charlestown. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, p. 104.

–16 Halltown, Sep 23-Oct 4. Star and Republican Banner, Gettysburg. “Awful.” 10-16-1832, 1.

–14 Harpers Ferry, Aug 20-Sep 1. Tanner. A… Account of…Epidemic Cholera… Oct, 1832.[134]

— 8 “ Aug 25-31. Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 2.[135]

–>6 “ Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, “Progress of the Cholera,” 9-15-1832, p44.[136]

— 3 Kanawha. Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, “Progress of the Cholera,” 11-3-1832, 149.[137]

— ? Martinsburg. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. [Cholera News] 11-20-1832, p. 4.

— 5 Wheeling, to Oct 27. Niles’ Weekly Reg., V43, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-3-1832, p. 148.

S. Army ( 200)[138]

— 200 Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.

Maritime – East Coast ( 20)

— 20 Brig Amelia from NY to Folly Island SC. Niles’ Weekly Register, V. 43, 11-17-1832, 178.

Maritime – Miss. & Ohio River Steamboats ( 73-75)

— 75 Blanchard tally of fatalities noted below.

— 36 Steamer Chief Justice Marshall. Niles’ Weekly Register, V.43, 24 Nov 1832, p. 201.

— 7 Steamer Constitution. Niles Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-10-1832, 172.

— 1 Steamer Experiment. Niles Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-10-1832, 172.

— 1 Steamboat Express. Niles Weekly Register. “…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, 226.[139]

— 4 Steamer Gallipolis. Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-10-1832, p.172.

–11-13 Steamer Freedom.

–13 Steamer Freedom. Niles’ Weekly Register, V.43, “…Cholera,” 11-24-1832, p.201.

–11 “ “ Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 11-20-1832, p. 4.

— 2 Unnamed Steamboats. Niles’ Weekly Register, V43, “Progress…Cholera,” 11-10-1832, 172

Background:

First Pandemic:

Beardslee: “It is generally acknowledged that cholera had long been endemic to the Indian subcontinent and particularly to its northeast regions, the Ganges Delta.[140] Medical historians suggest the reporting of a similar disease in ancient historical accounts. Historical reports from 1629 seem to describe a disease that at least closely resembled cholera, and in the late 19th century, Indian travelers’ accounts appear to describe the classic conditions of cholera well prior to the first Pandemic of 1817; over the next several years the disease moved out of its historically affected region, and began a rapid and progressively westward movement along and over the Arab-Moslem trade/travel routes from India to the west extending to Muscat, the east coast of Arabia, Syria, and southern Russia as far as the Volga River. As suddenly as cholera had appeared, it abated by the early 1820’s. This earliest outbreak and its transition from endemic to epidemic to pandemic is generally considered as the First Cholera Pandemic. Europe and the Americas were unaffected by this first pandemic.” (Beardslee, William G. The 1832 Cholera Epidemic in New York State: 19^th Century Responses to Cholerae Vibrio.)

CBC News: “The first known pandemic of cholera [1817-1823] originated in the Ganges River delta in India. The disease broke out near Calcutta and spread through the rest of the country. By the early 1820s, colonization and trade had carried the disease to Southeast Asia, central Asia, the Middle East, eastern Africa, and the Mediterranean coast. The death toll from this outbreak is not known, but based on the 10,000 recorded deaths among British troops, researchers estimate that hundreds of thousands across India succumbed to the disease. In 1820, 100,000 people died on the Indonesian island of Java alone. By 1823, cholera had disappeared from most of the world, except around the Bay of Bengal.” (CBC News, Canada. “Cholera’s seven pandemics.” 10-22-2010.)

First and Second Pandemic (to May 1831):

Oct 9: “Up to May, 1831, we know of six hundred and fifty-six eruptions of cholera in Asia and Europe. In the fourteen years in which he cholera has raged, one sixth of the inhabitants of India have been carried off; one third of those dwelling in the towns of Arabia; one sixth of those of the same class in Persia; in Mesopotamia, one fourth; Armenia a fifth; in Syria a tenth; in Russia a twentieth of the population of the infected provinces up to May, 1831 – and here the malady has made fresh progress and carried off more victims. As in India, the disease has existed during the whole of the fourteen years, M. de Jeanes [unclear] calculates to mortality at two and a half millions annually, which would give a total of about thirty-six millions; in order, however, to understate, he reduces the number to 18 millions for Hindustan; and taking the mortality for the rest of the world from China to Warsaw, to amount to about 35 millions, arrives at the conclusion that 53 millions of our race have perished in 15 [unclear] years of a disease which in 1817 existed only in a few spots of the Presidency of Bengal. Quarterly Review.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 10-9-1832, 5.)

Jameson: “We shall avail ourselves of the labors of the Philadelphia Health Commission, for a brief sketch of the disease, from 1817 down to its appearance in Paris. It is said that

The epidemic cholera commenced its ravages in various parts of the Delta, formed by the mouth of the river Ganges, in India, during the summer of 1817. Presenting many of the features of the ordinary cholera morbus, it had some symptoms super-added, which distinguished it from that disease. The chief of these latter are, suddenness of the attack, and the rapidity of its course; the extreme exhaustion of the animal powers; the distressing cramps or spasms of the muscles of the limbs and body, which commonly attended it; and, more especially, its strongly marked epidemic character.

Continuing its ravages from the period mentioned, by the end of 1818 the disease had pervaded nearly all of Hindostan, from the Himalayah Mountains on the north, to Cape Comoran on the south; and from Bombay and Surat, on the west, of Sylhet, on the east; Peran and Java on the southeast; and in the Isles of France and Bourbon on the southwest. The effects of the epidemic were also experienced still further to the southeast, over the whole of the Indo-Chinese peninsula. It 1820 it prevailed in Siam, Malacca, and the Philippine Islands, the southern provinces of China, and at Guzzerat, in India. In 1821, it occurred at Muscat, on the southern extremity of the Arabian peninsula, and again in the Island of Java. During this season Bushire, Sebiraz, and other parts of Persia; Bossara and Bagdad, in Arabia; the Island of Bahrain in the Persian Gulf; and the Island of Borneo, suffered very severely from the epidemic. During the succeeding winter, the disease became dormant, both in Persia and Syria; but in the spring of 1822, it made its appearance again, among other places in Isfahan, Teheran, Tabriz, Mosul, and Diyarbakir. By the end of the year, indeed, almost every place of note in Persia had been ravaged by the pestilence.

“In the spring of the year ensuing, 1823, it broke out at Latokia, Antioch, Torosi, Tripoli, and in other towns along the eastern shores of the Mediterranean; and in the Spice Island, as well as still further south in the Island of Timor, near New Holland. Previously to the autumn of this year, the disease had prevailed throughout the provinces of Asiatic Turkey; from Bassora and Bagdad, to Ezoroum and Antioch: Egypt, however, escaped until a much later period. In August of this year, the disease prevailed in the province of Shervan, and in Baku, as well as in other places on the western side of the Caspian Sea; and it finally made its appearance in the city of Astrachan, near the mouth of the Volga.

Subsequent to the year 1823, the disease continued its ravages throughout China, and in various parts of India; and towards the close of 1826, it almost depopulated several cities in Mongolia, occurring as far north as the borders of Siberia. In 1820, it appeared at Tiberius, in Judea. In Persia the epidemic reappeared several times; the city of Teheran being ravaged by it in 1829. In 1828, the disease was once more in the Russian dominions, appearing unexpectedly at Orenburg, a town situated on the Ural River, four hundred and eighty miles northeast of Astrachan. On the setting in, soon after, of cold weather, it, however, completely and promptly ceased. But in the summer of 1829, it recommenced its ravages with greater severity, and occurred at many places, also, in the neighborhood.

About the middle of June 1830, the cholera made its appearance in Tiflis, a city in Georgia; and in the meantime re-occurred at Baku. By the 20^th of July, Astrachan was for the second time a sufferer from the epidemic. This disease occurred successively in various towns and villages situated along the shores of the Volga; and from the south of the Caspian Sea, Iver, and Vologia; in a short period the disease made its appearance at Archangel, on the north, and in the greater part of Poland on the south; ravaging…the principal places from the borders of Prussia to Odessa, and from Odessa to the White Sea.

The disease appeared at Moscow the middle of September 1830. In April, 1831, Warsaw was attacked; Riga, in May, Archangel, in June; in the latter month the disease appeared likewise at St. Petersburg, and in July at Cronstadt. In Dantzic, in Prussia, the epidemic broke out in May, 1831, and at the same time in Brody and Lemburg, in Austria. In Berlin the disease commenced in August; in Vienna in September; it likewise occurred in various parts of Hungary; and before the close of the year, it had desolated nearly fourteen towns and villages. In October it suddenly appeared in Hamburg, and in different parts of the kingdom of Hanover.

In the month of August, it made its appearance in the eastern part of England; Sunderland, a sea port in the county of Durham, situated at the mouth of the river Wier. The disease did not, however, attract much notice till near the end of October. In December it prevailed at New Castle, on the Tyne, to the north of Sunderland, and at Gates End to the south. It likewise appeared subsequently, in various places to the west, and in different parts of Scotland. London became subject to the epidemic in 1832, and at Dublin, and different parts of Ireland; while in May, 1832, it prevailed to an alarming extent at Paris, and its neighborhood.

In the month of June, it made its appearance at Montreal and Quebec, and was attended with great mortality. The disease also appeared at New York in the same month, and at Philadelphia in July; — presenting there, however, at that time but a few sporadic malignant cases, but became epidemic. (Jameson 1855 76-78.)

(Jameson, Horatio Gates, M.D. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. Philadelphia: 1855.)

Second Pandemic:

Beardslee: “Just as suddenly as the First Cholera Pandemic abated in the early 1820’s, a new cholera cycle commenced in 1826, and soon affected all of India and much of the Far East. In the West the disease traveled the familiar trade routes into Afghanistan and into Russia by 1827.[141] By 1831 cholera had infected all of Russia’s major cities despite quarantines and sanitation measures. These defenses were ineffective primarily because cholera victims invariably infected nearby water supplies, including creeks, streams, and ultimately the major rivers. Russian troops carried the disease into Poland in the winter of 1831. By June of that year, it had arrived in Hungary, Austria, and Germany.[142] By April of 1832, cholera reached Paris.

“The approach of the cholera pandemic toward Europe in the early 1830’s was greeted with extraordinary public anxiety, dread, and concern in all the major cities. London and Parisian newspapers featured lengthy reports from Moscow and other cities to the east. Citizens of all the major European cities awaited the approaching pandemic in moods that can only be described as one of terror. It was the most feared of all diseases in the 19th century.” (Beardslee, William G. The 1832 Cholera Epidemic in New York State: 19^th Century Responses to Cholerae Vibrio.)

The cholera epidemic that hit Canada and the U.S. in June 1832 was part of the second cholera pandemic, which came out of India in 1829 into Russia and then on to Finland, Poland, and England where it prevailed for two years and claimed approximately 22,000 lives. (CBC News, Canada. “Cholera’s seven pandemics.” 10-22-2010.)

“This pandemic began, like the first, with outbreaks along the Ganges River delta in India. From there the disease spread along trade routes to cover most of India. By 1828 the disease had traveled to China and reached the southern tips of the Ural Mountains in 1829. It reached England in December 1831:[143] appearing in Sunderland, Gateshead and Newcastle. In London, the disease claimed 6,536 victims; in Paris, 20,000 died (out of a population of 650,000), with about 100,000 deaths in all of France.[144] In 1832 the epidemic reached Russia…” (Wikipedia. “Second cholera pandemic (1829-1851).” 3-17-2012 modification)

“…by April of 1832, it had spread north into Scotland and across the Irish Sea into Ireland.” (Beardslee. The 1832 Cholera Epidemic in New York State.)

“Irish immigrants, fleeing poverty and the potato famine, carried the disease from Europe to North America. On their arrival in the summer of 1832, 1,220 died in Montreal and another thousand across Quebec.” (CBC News, Canada. “Cholera’s seven pandemics.” 10-22-2010.)

Pre-North American Outbreak Coverage:

1831:

Jan 1: “The most authentic accounts state that the cholera morbus is still raging with great violence. It is reported that it is a species of plague which afflicts Russia. Communications between Petersburgh and Moscow are becoming rare. The inhabitants of the former place were laying in provisions for six months, anticipating a long stoppage of communication. The emperor has laid in supplies at the imperial residence of Zarskozeli, (25 miles from St. Petersburg) and has cut off all intercourse between the palace and the people, for fear of contagion.” (Frederick Town Herald, MD. “Russia.” 1-1-1831, 3.)

Aug-Oct: “In addition to “the plague, which had prevailed for some time at Constantinople, the cholera was very destructive. Since the beginning of August, between 2000 and 3000 persons had been attacked by this disorder, which, however, seemed to be less malignant than in other places.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “Turkey.” 11-1-1831, p. 2.)

Aug 2: “It has been for several weeks past quite sickly in Calcutta. Intermittent and bilious fevers, the cholera, &c. have swept into eternity 1500 or 2000 souls a week! – Natives and European residents are more affected than strangers. Cart loads of dead bodies in course rough boxes are often seen passing along the streets to be thrown into the Hoogly.[145] Europeans bury their dead. Natives of the higher castes burn theirs, those of the lower castes, who are too poor to be at the expense of burning theirs, throw them into the river, with all such as have lost their caste.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “Letter From Calcutta. Extract of a Letter from Mr. Hervey, an American Missionary.” 8-2-1831, p. 2.)

Nov 1: “The Cholera was making ravages at Vienna, and had re-appeared in Venice. The population on the continent of Europe hold the disease in the greatest dread, and fly from it in every direction. Balt. Minerva.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg. “Affairs Abroad.” 11-1-1831, p.3.)

Nov 1: “The ship Extio, at New York from Havre, brings to the editors of the Courier, French papers to the 12^th September. The cholera seems to have made an alarming progress. It is stated with much confidence that it has broken out at Vienna, at Berlin, besides committing dreadful ravages in Hungary.—One account from Paris says—‘We begin here to familiarize ourselves with the idea of seeing this scourge soon reaching us; considerably diminished, however, in its most dangerous characteristics, and we rely a good deal on the skill of our physicians.” (1832. Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “From France.” 11-1-1831, p. 2.)

Nov 1: “Berlin, Sept. 5. In all seventeen persons have been attacked here by the cholera, of whom thirteen have died, none recovered, & four are under the physicians.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “Poland and the cholera have caused in the army.” 11-1-1831, p. 2.)

Nov 2: “The accounts from St. Petersburg are to August 15, when the cholera continued daily to abate. The number of new cases on the 12^th was 20, on the 13^th 19, on the 14^th 10, and on the 15^th 9. The number of deaths on the 14^th was 7, and on the 15^th 6.” (Sandusky Clarion, OH. “Cholera at St. Petersburg.” 11-2-1831, p. 2.)

Nov 2: “Since the 13^th June, the cholera has prevailed in Hungary – Taken sick, 35,342; recovered, 6,078; deceased, 16,3897; still sick, 12,377.” (Sandusky Clarion, OH. “Russian Frontiers, Aug. 16.” 11-2-1831, p. 2.)

1832:

May 1: “By the packet ship Hibernia…London papers to March 27^th, and Liverpool to the 28^th, both inclusive, were received at New York….The Cholera is extending in London. It has also made its appearance in Belfast and Dublin. Total cases in London from the commencement of the disease 1365; deaths 742; or more than half. In other parts of the kingdom where the disease still exists, total cases, 1803; deaths, 696. Where the disease has ceased, total cases 5088; deaths, 1,517. Grand total cases 6,891, deaths, 2213.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “Late Foreign Intelligence.” 5-1-1832, p. 3.)

May 1: “It is said many cases of cholera have been cured in Edinburgh by the application of Galvinism.”[146] (Huron Reflector, Norwalk, OH. “Condensed News,” 5-1-1832, p. 1.)

May 1: “London, March 22. A correspondent informs us that the Cholera Morbus is prevalent in Paris, and has been so for the last two months.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “Seven Days Later From Europe!” 5-1-1832, p. 3.)

June 1: “Liverpool, May 1. – In Ireland, and especially in the capital, the disease appears to be making considerable progress. On Friday 112 new cases were announced in Dublin, and the deaths from the commencement of the disease amount to 225. The mischief is considerably increased by the absurd prejudices of the people, who resist the attempts made to remove infected persons to the hospitals, from an impression that their bodies were used for anatomical purpose. In Cork the disease is making frightful progress. On Thursday last 77 new cases were reported and 17 deaths, making from the day on which it first broke out, 546 cases, and 160 deaths.” (The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Latest From Europe.” 6-1-1832, p. 2.)

June 1: “Our accounts from Paris by the Havre, were to the 10^th April, we have now accounts from thence three days later – to the 13^th. In the twenty-four hours, ending on the 9^th April at noon, according to our previous advices, the number of new cases of Cholera at Paris were 1020, and the deaths 385; and the following day,–to the 10^th, we learn they were 985, and the deaths 356; and on the twenty-four hours ending at 12 o’clock on the 11^th, 850 and the deaths 361….

“The official report of the Cholera in London is also three days later. That of the 9^th, stated the new cases at 39 and the deaths at 28. On the 12^th, the former were but 19 and the latter 10….” (The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Latest From Europe.” 6-1-1832, p. 2.)

June 2: “The cholera was on the decline in England and France but was making considerable progress in Ireland. On Monday the 15^th of April the returns of deaths in Paris amounted to only 512, a frightful mortality still; but showing, compared with the corresponding day in the preceding week, a diminution of nearly 300. From an official table made out by the special order of government, it is seen that the number of deaths by cholera which took place between the 1^st and 14^th April, was 7,631, which gives an average of 550 per day. The greatest mortality took place on the 9^th of April – a decrease commenced on the following day and continued up to the latest accounts we have.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “Foreign News.” 6-2-1832, p. 1.)

June 2: “We have received letters from Paris to the 23^rd. inst. in one of which, from a distinguished physician, resident in that city, we are assured that from the irruption of the cholera up to the above date, 20,000 persons are ascertained to have died of the disease in the French capitol alone. The latest accounts from Paris, whilst stating the abatement of cholera in the capitol, describes its increasing ravages in the provinces. M. Magendie is said to be the most successful physician in the treatment of cholera in Paris. His mode of treatment is said to consist chiefly in causing his patients to drink freely of punch and hot wine.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “Latest accounts of Cholera in Paris.” 6-2-1832, p. 1.)

Post U.S. Outbreak:

“The epidemic influence of the Cholera has nearly spent itself in France, Great Britain, Holland and Belgium.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. [Cholera News] 11-20-1832, p. 4.)

General:

McClellan: “It has been most conclusively shown that the cholera-epidemic of 1832 reached North America, not upon any atmospheric wave which was wafted from cholera-infected Europe, but by means of vessels laden with cholera-infected emigrants, who landed upon the Saint Lawrence, at New York, Baltimore, and perhaps Philadelphia; that from the Grosse Isle quarantine-station the infection spread along the chain of the lakes, carried in infected boats, until the city of Chicago was reached; that from Chicago it was conveyed across the State of Illinois to Rock Island upon the Mississippi River, from which point the entire valley, as far south as New Orleans, received the infection; and that by means of infected steamboats the infection was carried up the Ohio River to meet and to intensify the same infection that was being conveyed down that stream.

“It has been shown that the infection was carried from the Saint Lawrence, along the routes of travel, into New York State, to meet the line of infection advancing northward from New York City. It has been shown that the infection was carried from the Saint Lawrence into the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio, in which States it was carried southward to join the line of travel along the Ohio.

“From New York City, it has been shown that the disease was carried into adjoining towns and States.

Although the exhibit has not been as full as it was hoped, when the task was contemplated, yet sufficient has been shown to prove that the epidemic cholera of 1832 was a portable disease; and, in the face of the facts that have been presented, it is impossible, with any reason, to deny the method of its diffusion over the United States.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 588.)

NYT: “For a number of years prior to 1832 the intelligent attention of the medical fraternity and the superstitious fears of the populace had been directed to the slow but steady progress of the cholera from its home in Southern Asia. But little was known of this pestilence, except its awful fatality, but the tales of travelers had endowed it with powers as supernatural as they were malignant. It was said to be clothed with the intelligence of direction; to travel as unswervingly as a bird’s flight, and at the daily rate of a man’s walk. No one at this time can well apprehend the vague anxiety with which the westward stalkings of this pale monster were watched. And yet, though it ravaged Great Britain in 1831, no municipal precautions worthy of the name were taken against it. In 1832 there was an immense emigration to New-York. Famine in Ireland and revolutions in various Continental countries had started a tide which would continue for more than a half century. In common with all maritime cities, New-York had the obligation of the dregs. The thrifty and the industrious passed on to the fertile fields of the West, while the paupers and the improvident remained. Thus there was an unusual crowding in all those localities where filth for so many years had reigned undisturbed.” (New York Times, “Epidemics of New-York,” Feb 16, 1896.)

Niles: “It has been pretty fully proved at Boston, that apple pudding, mixed with cucumbers, at dinner – is a certain cure of all the evils of life, by means of the cholera. It has been fully ascertained that crabs will produce the same effect in Maryland – and, perhaps, more promptly.” (Niles Weekly Register (Baltimore). “Progress of the Cholera,” Vol. 43, 9-22-1832, p. 52.)

“From the Norfolk Herald. There are two hundred men, white and colored, who have been employed at the different fisheries between Sewell’s Point and Cape Henry, for a month past, and constantly exposed to the heat of the sun, the drenching of the rain, and the night dews; who are at least half their time immersed to the middle in salt water, and undergoing great bodily fatigue; and who abstain from liquor only hen it is not to be had for love or money – yet not one of them has been attacked by the cholera.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, p. 118.)

“The following thrilling and splendid language is taken from a letter written by Samuel B. Smith, surgeon in the United States army at Fort Armstrong[147] to capt. Wilson, and published in the Intelligencer. He is describing the appearance of a soldier who died of cholera, and commenting on that fearful plague:

The face was sunken, as if wasted by lingering consumption; perfectly angular, and rendered peculiarly ghastly by the complete removal of all the soft solids, and their places supplied by dark lead colored lines; the hands and feet were bluish white, wrinkled as when long macerated in cold water; the eyes had fallen to the bottom of their orbs, and evinced a glaring vitality, but without mobility; and the surface of the body was cold and bedewed with an eely exudation. I stood gazing in mute horror upon the revolting object, when a sudden spasm convulsing his limbs caused him to screech in a voice so unearthly, that I involuntarily covered by ears with my hands. The strongest stimuli, both externally and internally applied for several hours, made no impression upon him, and he expired in the fifth hour.

In the succeeding fifty hours, many men were removed in a manner equally distressing. It would be needless to enumerate all the probable and possible remedies that were unceasingly employed, in vain, for their relief. They were as water poured upon the sand. I had witnessed expiring nature in almost every form, but had hitherto been sustained by the belief that my profession was a lofty intelligence, inadequate only from some neglected counteracting forces; but here all self-sufficiency was utterly subdued: the throne of science was cast down! A dark spirit, diverse to human life, had gained admission to the inmost place, and with malign joy dissipated, with a prodigality known only to a demon’s heart, all that had been given to man, by a bountiful Creator, to express a nearness to himself.

With a deeply castigated spirit, I pondered in solitude over this superhuman calamity. It was evident that all the great functions were overcome. The lungs generated no animal heat; the liver secreted no bile; the stomach no gastrics; the kidneys no salt; the brain no nervous fluid; whilst the exhalants of the great ventral cavity poured out life as from a mighty fountain. Whence this excessive exudation? It can only be the grand constituents of the blood – soda and fabrina. These exhausted, the business of life is ended. The heart feebly essays a last onward impulse, and the muscles, like dying worms, wreathe upon themselves; but both are mere convulsive movements from the withdrawal of their accustomed supplies from the blood. How impotent are all efforts to re-create this vital fluid, when the great intelligences allotted for its elaboration are quiescent? Will the combination of slat and water be a kind substitute for this beautiful compound, resulting from the harmonious operation of many systems? Surely not. Will we take the same fluid from him who can spare it, and transfuse it into him who is destitute? Even this is hopeless: for no two beings accord so nearly s to make the blood of one acceptable to vessels unconcerned in its formation. This doctrine once admitted, perpetual terrene existence would no longer be a physical impossibility. ‘Thou shalt surely die,’ has been pronounced by Him who controls all destinies, and one heart alone must struggle against the untiring agents provided for its final subjugation. Collapsed cholera is, therefore, justly speaking, that approximation to death, from which there is no appeal.”

(Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “The Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p. 203.)

Rosenberg: “Cholera was the classic epidemic disease of the nineteenth century, as plague had been of the fourteenth. When cholera first appeared in the United States in 1832, yellow fever and smallpox, the great epidemic diseases of the previous two centuries, were no longer truly national problems. Yellow fever had disappeared from the North, and vaccination had deprived smallpox of much of its menace. Cholera, on the other hand, appeared in almost every part of the country in the course of the century. It flourished in the great cities, New York, Cincinnati, Chicago; it crossed the continent with the forty-niners; its victims included Iowa dirt farmers and New York longshoremen, Wisconsin lead miners and Negro field hands.

“Before 1817, there had probably never been a cholera epidemic outside the Far East; during the nineteenth century, it spread through almost the entire world. Of all epidemic diseases, only influenza in the twentieth century has had a more extensive odyssey.

“Cholera could not have thrived where filth and want did not already exist; nor could it have traveled so widely without an unprecedented development of trade and transportation….

“It was not easy for survivors to forget a cholera epidemic. The symptoms of cholera are spectacular; they could not be ignored or romanticized as were the physical manifestations of malaria and tuberculosis. One could as easily ignore a case of acute arsenical poisoning, the symptoms of which are strikingly similar to those of cholera. The onset of cholera is marked by diarrhea, acute spasmodic vomiting, and painful cramps. Consequent dehydration, often accompanied by cyanosis, gives to the sufferer a characteristic and disquieting appearance: his face blue and pinched, his extremities cold and darkened, the skin of his hands and feet drawn and puckered….Death may intervene within a day, sometimes within a few hours of the appearance of the first symptoms. And these first symptoms appear with little or no warning. He felt no premonition of cholera at all, reported a New Yorker in 1832, until hr pitched forward in the street, ‘as if knocked down with an axe’.”[148]

“The abrupt onset and fearful symptoms of cholera made Americans apprehensive and reflective – as they were not by the equally deadly, but more deliberate, ravages of tuberculosis or malaria. ‘To see individuals well in the morning & buried before night, retiring apparently well & dead in the morning is something which is appalling to the boldest heart.’[149] It is not surprising that the growing public health movement found in cholera an effective ally.” (Rosenberg 1962, pp. 1-3.)

“The larger cities established cholera hospitals, instituted feverish clean-ups, and continued their quarantines. Despite these efforts, only Boston and Charleston among America’s larger cities were to escape; New Orleans was probably the most severely visited.” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 37.)

“Unswayed by the arguments of physicians, common folk insisted that the disease must be contagious. In Chester, Pennsylvania, several persons suspected of carrying the pestilence were reportedly murdered, along with the man who had sheltered them. Armed Rhode Islanders turned back New Yorkers fleeing across Long Island Sound. At Ypsilanti, the local militia fired upon the mail stage from cholera-infested Detroit. Everywhere there were stringent quarantines. The newly arrived foreign immigrants were particularly feared. Even if they did not carry the disease, the dirty and crowded conditions in which they lived and moved provided the perfect soil in which to germinate the seeds of pestilence.” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 37.)

(Rosenberg. The Cholera Years – The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866. 1962, pp. 1-3, 37.)

Woodworth: “In the majority of the published accounts of the cholera epidemic of 1832 in North America, the arrival of the ship Carricks at the Grosse Ile quarantine station on the Saint Lawrence upon the 3^rd day of June [June 3], has been taken as the date of the original arrival of epidemic cholera upon this continent.

“It seems, however, to be pretty clearly demonstrated that the Carricks was but one of the first arrivals of infected vessels. It has been stated that the quarantine records show that on the 28^th of April, the ship Constantia, from Limerick, arrived at Grosse Isle with one hundred and seventy emigrants, among whom twenty-nine cholera deaths had occurred during the voyage; that on the 14^th of May the ship Robert, from Cork, arrived, having had ten cholera deaths on board; that on the 28^th of May, the ship Elizabeth, from Dublin, arrived with two hundred emigrants, having lost twenty from cholera.

“The brig Carricks, from Dublin, arrived at Grosse Isle on the 3d of June with one hundred and forty-five emigrants, among whom forty-two cholera-deaths had occurred.

“It is thus shown that, prior to June 3, there had arrived four vessels, carrying at least three hundred and seventy emigrants, among whom fifty-nine cholera-deaths had occurred. This fact is established in the face of the many reports from committees composed of medical men from several States, who were especially sent to investigate the arrival of the dread disease.

“Dr. Mardson further states that there existed at the time no proper system of quarantine; that no segregation of individuals from cholera-infected ships was attempted; that the only separation consisted in removing those who were actually sick from among those who continued apparently well, the latter being at once sent upon their journey. At the same time constant and uninterrupted intercourse was permitted between the quarantine station and the city by boats and steamers, and passenger-steamers were even permitted to proceed to Grosse Isle and take passengers direct to Quebec and Montreal. So rapidly was this transfer accomplished, that between the second and fifth days of June, seven thousand one hundred and fifty-one emigrants had arrived in the city of Quebec from the quarantine station.

“It is thus shown that, prior to any known outbreak of cholera in Canada, during the year 1832, a large number of emigrants from cholera-infected quarters had arrived upon the Saint Lawrence, and had been distributed throughout the province. The Canadian government having offered extraordinary inducements to emigrants, nearly thirty thousand individuals arrived during the spring and early summer months. These emigrants were for the most part Irish….” (Woodworth 1875, p. 563.)

June 7, 1832: “On the 7^th day of June, the steamboat Voyageur, of Montreal, left the quarantine station, with a large number of emigrants, for the city of Montreal. She touched at Quebec, and then proceeded upon her voyage; but, after making a few miles, was obliged, on account of a violent rain-storm and her overcrowded condition, to return to Quebec, where she landed a portion of her passengers, and then proceeded upon her trip. The disembarked passengers, wet and exhausted, took refuge at emigrant lodging-houses, and quite a number went to the house of a man named Roache, on Champlain street. At an early hour of the 8^th a case of cholera occurred at this house in the person of one of the emigrants landed from the Voyageur. On the afternoon of the 9^th a second case occurred at this house in an emigrant from the same boat, who had obtained employment upon the wharf, and the same evening six other cases occurred at Roache’s house. By 3 o’clock p.m. the nest day fifteen cases had occurred, with fourteen deaths. From these cases the disease spread to Quebec, and during the first two weeks one thousand deaths are reported, fifty-six of which occurred at the Roache house. At Quebec the disease lasted until September 2, a total of two thousand and two hundred and eighteen deaths is reported….

“Dr. Marsden states that ‘at the time it was reported that there had been several dead bodies thrown from the Voyageur before she arrived at Montreal, but that the report lacked confirmation.’ It is, however, recorded that before she (the Voyageur) reached Three Rivers, an emigrant named Kerr was taken with cholera, and on the evening of the same day (June 9) a man named McKee, also an emigrant, was attacked with the same disease. As the vessel (the Voyageur) was passing Sorel, a bed belonging to a cholera patient was thrown overboard, and having been picked up by a man named Latour, was taken home as a prize. In twelve hours this man was dead from cholera, and in a few succeeding hours his entire family died….

June 9, 1832: “Montreal, June 9. The Voyageur reached Montreal. Kerr, the emigrant who had been taken with cholera of the boat, was dead, and the second case, McKee, was in a state of profound collapse. McKee was carried to a tavern on the wharf, where in a few hours he died. All that night and all the succeeding day, the body of this man was exposed to the gaze of the public, and, actuated by motives of curiosity, many person visited it. The same night (June 9) several other cases of the disease occurred in different portions of the city. Upon this point great stress has been laid, that the outbreak was not confined to any one locality; but it has been conclusively shown that a vast number of individuals from cholera-infected localities had been landed in that city, no portions of which could have been preserved from their presence. During the first two weeks eight hundred deaths occurred, and the epidemic lasted until September 1, with a total of one thousand eight hundred and forty-three deaths. Among the persons who visited McKee before his death was a soldier of the Fifteenth Regiment of the line, then in garrison at Montreal. This soldier assisted in rubbing McKee. After the death of the patient the soldier returned to the barracks, where, in a few hours, he was ill with cholera, died, and the disease spread among the command. By the 19^th forty-six men had died in garrison of cholera…. (Woodworth 1885, pp. 563-564)

June 12: “June 12. Cholera appeared at Point Levi, on the opposite bank of the Saint Lawrence; also at Beauport and Little River. At each of these points the disease only appeared after the arrival of emigrants….

“From Quebec and Montreal the epidemic spread, and followed closely the line of the great rivers, for they were the routes of transportation open to the thirty thousand and forty-nine emigrants who arrived on the Saint Lawrence between the 2d and 23d of June….” (Woodworth 1885, p. 565)

Sep 1 report: “Cases of cholera reported from the following places, since our last publication – but at many of them only one or two cases or deaths.

Massachusetts – At Andover and Pepperell.

Rhode Island – At Providence.

Connecticut – At Whitehaven, Milton, Danbury, Bridgeport, New Haven and Fair Haven.

New York – At Poughkeepsie, Schenectady, Aquakanonk, Buffalo, Utica (118 cases and 33 deaths up to the 20^th Aug.), Sing-Sing prison, Batavia, Troy, Flushing, Catskill, Schoharie, Wampsville, Mendon, Victor, Rochester, Clyde, Oyster Bay, Rotterdam, Lyons, Brooklyn, Athens, Salina, Syracuse, Whitehall, Brownsville, Lenox, Lockport, Ogdensburg.

New Jersey – At Paterson, cases up to the 23d Aug. 42, deaths 16 – and 6 or 7 deaths in the adjacent village of Manchester, a part of the town of Paterson, though out of the jurisdiction of the board of health. Elizabethtown, New Brunswick, Rahway, Bottlehill, Trenton, Princeton. – In Newark, up to the 25^th Aug. there had been 117 cases and 49 deaths, by cholera.

Pennsylvania – At Reading, Manayunk, Wilkesbarre, Erie, Germantown, Pottsville, Milford, West Chester, New Garden – and in several other parts of the eastern section of the state.

Delaware – The average deaths at Wilmington last week were nearly two per diem – chiefly of colored persons.

Michigan – At Detroit.

Washington – August 24 – 2 new cases; Aug. 25 and 26 – new cases 9, deaths 6, all colored persons; Aug. 27, new cases 2, death 1; Aug. 28, 4 new cases, 2 deaths; Aug. 29, 15 new cases, 1 death; Aug. 30, 3 new cases, 1 death.

Norfolk – Aug. 23 – 8 interments, 7 of colored persons; 24^th, 6 interments, all colored; 25^th, 6 interments – 2 white, 4 colored; 26^th, 9 interments, 6 white, 3 colored; 27^th, 7 interments, 3 white, 4 colored.

Portsmouth. The cholera has much abated in this town – a few deaths still happen, nearly all of persons of color.

Fortress Monroe. Six soldiers were attacked with cholera on the night of the 20^th August, and two died. On the 21^st two colored laborers were seized with it, and on the 22d eight more. The result of these cases, or the further progress of the disease, is yet unknown to us.”

(Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43. 9-1-1832, 5.

Sep 8 report: “Since our last publication we have received accounts of cases of cholera at the places named below – at some, however, perhaps only a solitary case….

Massachusetts. At Haverhill, Shirley.

Boston. From the Atlas – By the weekly report from the health office, it appears, that the number of deaths during the last week was only seventeen. The whole number of deaths during the month of August is about one-third less than it was in the same month last year. Last year in August, there were 11 deaths reported by cholera morbus; this year, what is called malignant cholera has carried off, in the same period, only 4 victims.

Connecticut. At Middletown, Mount Pleasant.

New York. At Peekskill, Kinderhook, Canajoharie, Buffalo, Fort Montgomery, Albany, Waterloo, Booneville, Rochester, Flushing, Utica, Clinton, Paris Hill, Poughkeepsie, Newburg, Troy, Syracuse, Geddes, Batavia, Ogdensburg, on Staten Island (severe).

New Jersey. At Newark, Paterson, New Brunswick, Camden, Somers, Elizabethtown, Rahway.

Vermont. At Vergennes.

Pennsylvania. East Whitehead, Pottsville, Norristown.

Maryland. At Snowhill, St. Michaels, Cambridge, Frederick.

Delaware. Wilmington.

Virginia. At Smithfield – 3 colored persons; on the line of the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, near Harper’s Ferry [WV], many cases and deaths.

Ohio. At Dover, several fatal cases.

Illinois. Much sickness prevails at Vandalia, Illinois – but it is not announced as the cholera.

North Carolina. At Winton.

Michigan. At Chicago [IL], sixty new cases said to have appeared on the 8^th August….”

“Among the questions put by the New York board of health to their special medical council, is one relating to the proportion of deaths by cholera, among persons of ordinary constitutions and good habits, who have been taken with the premonitory symptoms. They answer, that if proper medical advice were taken upon the earliest appearance of a disordered state of the stomach and bowels, ninety-nine persons out of every hundred, of temperate habits and ordinarily good constitutions, would be safe from an attack of malignant cholera.

“They say in reply to another question that there are ‘almost universally symptoms premonitory of the cholera. The number of exceptions is exceedingly small’….

“Items – from the New York Commercial Advertiser, of different dates. Three persons at Harlem were taken with symptoms of cholera after eating portions of a single crab. Three others after eating heartily of crabs, near Yorkville, died of cholera. Cold baked rice pudding produced symptoms of cholera in three families, near Hallett’s Cove. A small piece of water-melon occasioned a smart attack of cholera in a gentleman who has constantly visited the cholera hospitals with impunity during the whole season. A few plums produced alarming symptoms in a gentleman last evening. A man died of cholera after dining upon apple-dumplings and apple pie. A man had a severe attack of cholera after eating potatoes boiled with cabbage. A man died of cholera caused by eating currants the day previous. A woman had a relapse of the disease after eating baked pears. A man after having breakfasted on clams while laboring under diarrhoea, was attacked and died with cholera the same dy. A woman had an attack after eating heartily of baked beans. A woman had a severe attack, induced by eating green grapes and plums – she is now in a state of collapse, and not expected to recover.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, pp. 24-25.)

Sep 15 report: “Since our last publication [Sep 9] we have received accounts of cases of cholera at the places named below – at some, however, perhaps only a solitary case. The record has been made for the simple purpose of showing the ground covered by the disease; and hundreds of cases have happened at solitary farm houses, as well as at other places, not yet mentioned by us.

Massachusetts. At Southbridge…

Rhode Island – At Providence.

Connecticut – At Bridgeport, New Haven.

New York (state). At Brooklyn, Salina, Barnegat, Athens, Kingston, Utica, Oriskany, Wampsville, Rochester, Schenectady, Poughkeepsie, Williamsburg, Flatlands, Columbiaville, Stuyvesant Landing, Whitehall, Norman’s Hill, Durhamsville, Schoharie, Buffalo, Sullivan, Cocksakie, on Staten Island and Blackwell’s island, Rush, Lenox, Coeymans, Albany (16 deaths in the week).

New Jersey. – At Paterson, Rahway, Newark.

Pennsylvania. – In Chester county, in the Great Valley, Nicetown, Kungle’s mill, Forrestville, Bethlehem, Germantown.

Delaware. – New Castle.

Maryland. – At Snowhill – many cases on the line of the canal near Hagerstown – from 10 to 15 of the laborers, chiefly Irish, have died daily; Frederick, Cambridge, Easton, Wye, and some in Harford, Cecil, and Queen Anne’s counties, chiefly persons of color.

Virginia.—At Hampton, Fortress Monroe, Richmond, Smithfield. It is bad at Smithfield – chiefly among the blacks. The disease appears to have entirely ceased at Norfolk. The cholera seems to have nearly ceased at Fortress Monroe – 58 cases, in all, had occurred; of these 25 had died, viz. 12 soldiers, 2 white women, 2 white children, and 9 persons of color.

North Carolina. – Elizabeth City.

Illinois. – Sixteen cases of cholera appeared at Galena, but only one had proved fatal. It is stated also to prevail in the neighborhood of Rock Island….”

(Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-15-1832, p44-45.)

Sep 22 report: “It does not seem necessary to continue our usual notice of the names of places at which cases of cholera appear – unless in new locations, or the most important cities and towns – fore we are happy to say, that the epidemic is rapidly declining, if it has not totally disappeared, at all places north of us, heretofore afflicted with it, as well as at Norfolk, &c….

“…at Brooklyn we see it mentioned that six individuals had died in the family of Mr. Marshall, at Williamsburg. Those, and other like instances, would impress a belief that the disease is contagious – but only show that like exciting causes may produce the like effects. It is a favorite theory that most persons are, or have been ‘charged’ with the disease – but that it will not ‘explode’ without some stimulant; and that which affects one member of a family may affect others….

“It has been pretty fully proved at Boston, that apple pudding, mixed with cucumbers, at dinner – is a certain cure of all the evils of life, by means of the cholera. It has been fully ascertained that crabs will produce the same effect in Maryland – and, perhaps, more promptly.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, p. 52.)

Oct 6 report: “From London papers to the 6^th October, inclusive. Great Britain and Ireland. The cholera, though its virulence continues to abate, yet lingers in various parts of the United Kingdom. The deaths were from 150 to 200 per day.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Foreign News.” V43, 11-17-1832, p. 182.)

Oct 17 report: “In Great Britain and Ireland. A Liverpool paper of the 17^th Oct. shows that a number of deaths by cholera still happen at Manchester, Salford, Edinburgh, Dublin, &c. and that it prevailed severely at Aberdeen and its neighborhood, and awfully at Dumfries. The population had generally fled from the latter. Whole number of deaths at Dublin since the commencement of the disease, 3,468.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

Nov 2 report: “The cholera has nearly subsided in England.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Foreign Affairs.” V43, 11-3-1832, p 149.)

Jan 5, 1833 report: “The Cholera. Though it had totally subsided at most places in the U. States which it visited, appeared in others. A good many cases recently happened in Nashville, Ten. And some in Carlisle, Penn. – but from them, also, the disease seems to have retired. It is not known to us that the cholera, at this time, exists in any part of the United States.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “The Cholera.” V43, 1-5-1833, p. 299.)

Canada:

June 8: “On this day the first case of cholera was reported to have occurred at Quebec, Lower Canada, where it continued to rage for several weeks.” (Beck 1832, p. 352.)

June 8-21: “The present epidemic and malignant Cholera first appeared upon this continent at Quebec upon the 8^th of June….In the first two weeks of its prevalence there were 1,000 deaths.” (Atkins. Reports of Hospital Physicians…in Relation to The Epidemic Cholera of 1832. 1832, 8.)

“It next appeared at Montreal….In two weeks eight hundred persons had died of it.” (Atkins. Reports of Hospital Physicians…in Relation to The Epidemic Cholera of 1832. 1832, p. 9.)

June 9: “The first case reported at Montreal. It was that of an emigrant on board the steam-boat Voyageur from Quebec.” (Beck 1832, p. 352.)

June 10: Another case on the Voyageur. “Same night several natives were taken ill.” (Beck 1832, p. 352.)

June 11: “Disease broke out at La Prarie, nine miles from Montreal. From this date to the 27^th, when it disappeared, there were 55 cases, and 24 deaths.” (Beck 1832, p. 352.)

June 12: “First case at St. Johns – to the 6^th July, 59 cases and 11 deaths.” (Beck 1832, p. 352.)

Aug 7-Sep 2: “Observations on the statements of burials of persons who died of malignant cholera at Quebec, from 7^th August to 2d September, 1832.

“The burials of cholera during these twenty-seven days were in the whole 428, of which 227 were at the Catholic burial grounds, and 151 at the Protestant.

“The general proportion of Protestant burials has continued to be about one-third of the whole, which is supposed to be near in proportion to the Protestant population including transient persons.— There has however been a more frequent irregularity in the statement from 9^th June to 6th August.

“The Protestant funerals bore the highest proportion to the Catholic on Saturdays and Sundays. The greatest number of funerals were, as during the former period, on the first days of the week, between the full and last quarter of the moon. One-third of the whole number was in the eight days from the full to the last quarter.

“The greatest number of funerals was on Saturday the 18th August, being thirty-three; fifteen of which were Protestant. The greatest number in the former statement, in one day, was 143, and it happened at a period of moist, rainy, and warm weather. In this instance the weather had changed from moist and warm to cool, particularly in the morning, two days before. Cold mornings and fine clear warm days, few of which had occurred in the former period, have in the statement shown an increase of mortality. Warm, close, and moist weather has continued to be accompanied with increased deaths. The lowest number of burials was four, on the 8^th August, the weather dry and warm, the thermometer at 85 [degrees]; and on the 24^th, seven, the weather being windy, after light showers. On the 31^st August and 1^st September there were two Protestant funerals, but followed by eight on the following day, being Sunday the 2d September, after two cold nights and fine clear and warm days. On the 7^th, 8^th, 14^th, 23d, and 25^th of August, there were no burials of cholera at the Catholic cemetery in St. Roch. On the plains, the lowest number was two, on the 8^th August.

“On the 2d September, the total number of burials at Quebec of persons dead of cholera, from the 9^th June, both days inclusive, is two thousand two hundred and eighteen, out of a population about one eighth of that of New York, in which the total number of deaths of the disease, in two thirds of the time, has been only a little more than at Quebec. Had N. York been visited with the same severity as at Quebec, it would have had about 12,000 deaths in the two months; and instead of the highest number one day being about 150, it would have been 1100. Paris, in the same proportion as Quebec, would have had 3432 deaths a day, instead of 890, which was the maximum in that city.

“At the rate of mortality at Quebec of cholera alone, from 9^th June to 2d September, a number equal to the whole population would die in less than four years; at the rate from 7^th August to 2d September, in less than seven. About one third of the deaths at Quebec are supposed to be of transient persons, or emigrants not long in the country.

“The total number of deaths throughout the province, in three months, out of a population of about half a million, already exceeds the total deaths in Great Britain, with a population of fifteen millions in six months.

“The eastern parts of the district of Quebec, and many other populous parts of the province, can hardly be said to have yet been visited by the disease. N.O. 8^th Sept. 1832.” (Sandusky Clarion, OH. “Course and mortality of the cholera at Canada.” 10-3-1832, p. 2.)

Sep 1: “The interments at Montreal, from the 10^th June to 1^st September, two months and twenty days, were two thousand eight hundred and twenty, or one out of ten of the whole population, including the emigrants and all other transient persons!” (Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.)

Sep 11: “A postscript to a letter from Messrs, Gates & Co. dated at Montreal, September 11th, says: ‘The Cholera is apparently extinct here, and the place as healthy as usual at this season of the year; and we consider it quite safe for strangers to visit us’.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “Cholera extinct in Montreal.” 9-25-1832, p. 3.)

Notes by State:

Arkansas:

“Arkansas. Two cases of cholera, which terminated fatally, have occurred at the mouth of White river, and in persons who had had no communication with others having the disease..” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

“The latest Arkansas papers give us reason to believe that the disease reported to have existed among the emigrating Indians, had considerably abated, and kindly yielded to medicine, when attended to in the first stages of the complaint, and say that the physicians incline to believe that it is the cholera morbus in adults, and the cholera infantum in children.

“One thousand of the emigrating Choctaws had reached Rock Roe [Ark.], by steam boats, and about 2,000 more had landed on the west bank of the Mississippi, opposite Memphis, for the same destination: at which point wagons and teams had been collected to convey them to the place of their location.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

Connecticut:

“Since our last publication [Sep 9] we have received accounts of cases of cholera at the places named below….Connecticut. At Bridgeport, New Haven.” (Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.)

Delaware:

“New York sent cholera to…Delaware, Aug. 6^th…” (Peters 1885, 24)

“It [cholera] has broken out at New-Castle, Del. – 12 cases occurred on Thursday [Aug 9], of which 6 died that day.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. 8-14-1832, p. 3.)

District of Columbia:

Aug 8: “New York sent cholera to…Washington, D. C., Aug. 8th, where several thousand laborers, mostly emigrants were engaged in street-making; there were over 1,000 cases and more than 500 deaths.” (Peters 1885, p. 24.)

Sep 8 report: “Washington.

New cases. Deaths

Aug. 31. 18 3

Sept 1,2. 29 8

Sept. 3. 26 13

Sept. 4. 42 10

Sept. 5. 46 11

Sept. 6. 46 10

“The visitation by the cholera has, probably, so far, been more severe than at any other place in the U. States – regard being had to the population which it has had to feed itself upon. The National Intelligencer of the 5^th, after saying that the reports are defective, observes –

We have the cases in the hospitals only, and part of the cases in private practice. Another part of these cases is not reported, and some die whom no physician sees. We have the names and residences, for example, of twelve persons who died in the first ward of the city, between the noon of Sunday and that of Monday (there are said to have been more, not one of which has been reported, and which would make the aggregate number of deaths within that period twenty-five, or more than one out of every thousand of our population. The number of deaths within the 24 hours from the noon of Monday to the noon of Tuesday, we believe to have been fully as great.

“Many, perhaps most of the white persons who have fallen victims to the cholera at Washington, were employed on the Pennsylvania avenue, or the canal – and a large part of the remainder made up of intemperate persons, and others who madly indulged themselves in the use of melons and other fruits, &c. But some very respectable persons have died.

“It may be well to remark that the most closely inhabited part of Washington is abundantly supplied with as pure and wholesome spring water as there is in the world.

“There were 12 cases reported at the Central hospital on the 5^th September – all foreigners; 1 English, 1 French, 4 Irish and 6 Dutch – perhaps chiefly laborers on the avenue.” (Niles Weekly Register, V. 43, “Progress of the Cholera,” 8 Sep 1832, p. 24.)

Sep 15 report: “Washington.

New cases. Deaths.

Sept. 7. 59 8

Sept. 8, 9 62 15

Sept. 10. 42 13

Sept. 11. 29 6

Sept. 12. 16 8

Sept. 13. 40 6

“The reports of cases and deaths at Washington are very defective.

“From the National Intelligencer of September 8. The number of deaths in yesterday’s report is probably underrated. There are cases of which both the termination and the origin are unknown perhaps to any physician. In the cases reported, fewer now terminate fatally, probably from being taken in hand early, in consequence of the general apprehension of the disease.

“From the same of September 11. The omission of the physicians to report is so general, that there can be no confidence placed in the reports, except so far as they relate to the hospital cases, which are of course exactly reported. The disease certainly wears a more favorable aspect during the last twenty-four hours. It has, however, for ten days previous, been more fatal than a distant reader would have supposed from the reports. The report of yesterday must be taken in connection with the above explanation.

“From the same of September 12. The report is below the mark, as heretofore. The number of new cases, we are happy to believe, is rapidly falling off, which we attribute to a fresh northerly wind the night before last. The number of deaths within the above period exceeded eight, the number stated. We have seen more funerals than eight.

“Two cases of cholera appeared at Alexandria on the 7^th inst.

“A great mortality prevails in Georgetown. There were 44 deaths in that place from the 1^st to the 9^th inst. of these 37 were adults – 15 white and 29 colored. The deaths have been chiefly confined to the extremely poor and destitute. It is not said how many of these deaths were by the cholera; but from the report the board of health it would appear that the chief part of them were caused by that disease.” (Niles’ Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p44.)

Georgia:

Jameson: “The Board of Health of Savannah having addressed the Board of Health of Baltimore, requesting such information as they might be able to give, respecting cholera; and the consulting physician of Baltimore being very extensively engaged, the matter was referred to Dr. Carrere, under the supervision of the former. The Board of Health of Baltimore say: ‘The enclosed statement, made by Dr. Carrere, at Hospital No. 2, may be relied on as strictly correct; the treatment has been in practice to considerable extent, and has been found very successful. The Board have the satisfaction to inform you, that the cholera is abating in our city, and we have good reason to believe, that if the citizens could be prevailed on to refrain from the use of fruits and vegetables of every description, either raw or cooked, the disease would in a few days disappear.” (Jameson, H. G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, p. 111.)

Fraser: “In 1832 Asiatic cholera erupted in Atlantic coat ports. At that time, no physician in Savannah saw the relation between cholera and the local water supply; instead, Savannah officials revived efforts to remove all filth in the city. Dead animals, manure, garbage, and ‘fetid boggs’ all drew hordes of flies an mosquitoes, especially in the city’s lanes and alleyways. What Savannah’s hundreds of buzzards did not eat was carried off by the city scavengers and burned at the city dumps, one at the west end of today’s Gwinnett Street and another on the east side of town. Local authorities urged owners to splash whitewash on their buildings and douse privies with line. By September 1832 the threat of disease passed, and the city gave thanks…” (Fraser, Walter J. Jr. Savannah in the Old South. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2003, p.227.)

Illinois:

Fort Dearborn – July 9, 1832

“On the night of the 10^th of July, 1832, General Scott arrived with troops, on the steamer Sheldon Thompson, among whom the cholera had manifested itself – six cases developing on the morning of July 9, subsequent to which the disease quickly attacked the whole command. In consequence of this two companies in the fort antecedent to the arrival of General Scott were isolated and placed under the charge of Dr. Harmon, who ascribed his success in the treatment of the cholera cases that broke out in the sequestered troops to abstinence from the use of calomel by him…. He states that one-fifth of the entire force of one thousand soldiers were admitted into the hospital within a week, afflicted with this frightful scourge.” (Andreas 1884, p. 119.)

“…a terrible plague came on shipboard from Europe and spread quickly from Quebec throughout the East and to Buffalo, thence again on ships along the Great Lakes and to Chicago…. General Winfield Scott’s troop ships, sailing from Buffalo for Chicago and the Black
Hawk War found cholera on board as a tragic result of the Quebec docking. One of Scott’s ships, the overcrowded “Henry Clay”, was forced by the sickness to land all passengers, both sick and well, at Fort Gratiot near Detroit. The other vessel, the S.S. “Sheldon Thompson”, left two companies of artillery at Fort Gratiot and continued to the famous fur-trading center, Mackinac Island. Here there were five sick men put ashore who carried the disease into the island fort. On the lake voyage between Mackinac and Fort Dearborn in Chicago, seventy-seven cases of cholera developed and twenty- one men died. Small wonder that Fred Landon writes of this very epidemic in “The American Lakes Series”, “Cholera…left behind a trail of broken homes, scattered families and a fear of the disease that was to linger in men’s minds for the rest of their lives.”

”The landing of the troop ship at Fort Dearborn in 1832 brought the epidemic to Chicago and made a hospital out of Fort Dearborn. The epidemic spread through the town and countryside. In the Fort itself, there were fifty-eight deaths among two hundred sick. (The dead were buried in a rude graveyard at what is now the northwest corner of Lake Street and Wabash Avenue.). (Camp 2008.)

July 1832, Steamer Henry Clay:

“A. Walker, captain of the “Sheldon Thompson,” on which General Scott was embarked at Buffalo and arrived at Chicago, July 10, 1832, wrote a long account of the voyage and the ravages of the cholera during the passage. The letter appears in Fergus’s Historical Series, No. 16, Appendix (L), pp. 72-76. The letter is addressed to Captain R. C. Bristol, and is dated Buffalo, October 30, 1860. Extracts relevant to the Chicago history are given below:

“It will also be remembered, as stated in my former communication, that four steamers, the ‘Henry Clay,’ ‘Superior,’ ‘Sheldon Thompson,’ and ‘ William Penn,’ were chartered by the United States Government for the purpose of transporting troops, equipments, and provisions to Chicago, during the Black Hawk War, but, owing to the fearful ravages, made by the breaking out of the Asiatic cholera among the troops and crews on board, two of those boats were compelled to abandon their voyage, proceeding no further than Fort Gratiot.

The disease became so violent and alarming on board the ‘Henry Clay,’ that nothing like discipline could be observed, everything in the way of subordination ceased. As soon as the steamer came to the dock, each man sprang on shore, hoping to escape from a scene so terrifying and appalling. Some fled to the fields, some to the woods, while others lay down in the streets, and under the cover of the river bank, where most of them died, unwept and alone.

There were no cases of cholera causing death on board my boat until we passed the Manitou Islands (Lake Michigan). The first person attacked died about four o’clock in the afternoon, some thirty hours before reaching Chicago. As soon as it was ascertained by the surgeon that life was extinct, the deceased was wrapped closely in his blanket, placing within some weights secured by lashing of small cordage around the ankles, knees, waist, and neck, and then committed with but little ceremony, to the deep. This unpleasant though imperative duty was performed by the Orderly Sergeant, with a few privates detailed for that purpose. In like manner twelve others, including this same noble Sergeant, who sickened and died in a few hours, were also thrown overboard before the balance of the troops were landed at Chicago….”

(Andreas. History of Chicago, Volume I – Ending With the Year 1857. 1884, p. 120.)

Sep 12 report: “The Vandalia (Ill.) Whig of the 12^th instant mentions the arrival at that place a day or two previous, of Col Berry, from Rock Island. The number of deaths by cholera, down to the date of his departure, was about 80. Col. B. states that the troops who came from the lakes under Gen. Eustis, had not been at the Fort on Rock Island, and of course that the disease could not have been communicated by them. The treaty which was to have been held with the Indians on the 10^th instant had been postponed in consequence of the sickness…” (Sandusky Clarion, OH. 10-10-1832, p. 3.)

Sep 15 report: Illinois. – Sixteen cases of cholera appeared at Galena, but only one had proved fatal. It is stated also to prevail in the neighborhood of Rock Island….” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-15-1832, pp. 44-45.)

Sep 15 report: “We have pleasure in stating, that by advices received from General Scott, dated September 15^th, it appears that the Cholera had entirely disappeared at Rock Island and the vicinity.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “From Rock River.” 10-16-1832, p. 2.)

Sep 25 report: “We regret to add that the Cholera had made its appearance among the United States troops at Rock Island; and that three officers and a number of privates had been already numbered among its victims at the latest dates. A few fatal cases and likewise occurred at Galena. – O.S. Journal.” (Huron Reflector, Norwalk, OH. “From the Cleveland Advertiser. Late and Important from the West.” 9-25-1832, p. 2.)

Sep 26: “Galena. Three persons died at this place on the 26^th Sept.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 172.)

Sep 29 report: “The west. We have had accounts from the army at Rock Island. The cholera had broken out among the newly arrived rangers, and 60 soldiers speedily died. A party deserted and descended the Mississippi, giving themselves up at Jefferson barracks, St. Louis. Two of them died in the boat, and several soldiers in the barracks had been attacked.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71. )

Indiana:

Prof. G. B. Walker, Evansville: “Professor G. B. Walker of Evansville send me a comparison between cholera as he observed it in 1832 and its last visitation [1852]…. He writes that ‘for the last four years it has appeared with remarkable regularity in the latter part of June or early part of July, and continued to prevail for four or six weeks with variable extent and malignancy, almost invariably, however, being much more rapid and fatal on its first appearance, and gradually growing milder and subsiding as it were into the ordinary epidemics of the season or climate.’ The Doctor also remarks that as he observed it in 1832 ‘the most striking peculiarity manifested by it was the suddenness of its attack. Patients were not unfrequently prostrated in the street from a state of good health by a sensation as of a blow over the stomach, and in homely but significant language were ‘struck with cholera.’ This sudden spasmodic or nervous seizure has never appeared to my observation so distinctly since the first outbreak of the disease in this country. Attacks of cholera without diarrhea, an apparent contradiction, have not been observed since 1832 to the extent then exhibited.’ ” (Sutton 1853, p. 173.)

By Oct 25: “Indiana. Up to the 25th October ‘about six cases’ of cholera had appeared at New Albany.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, 171.)

Nov 24 report: “A good many cases of cholera have appeared at Madison, New Albany, &c.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p. 201.)

Dec 1 report: “The cholera has ceased at Madison.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

Iowa:

“Among the Indians. The cholera has appeared among the Indians of the north west. The Galenian of the 24^th Oct. says, under a postscript:

Just as our paper was going to press, a gentleman arrived from Rock Island,[150] from whom we learn that the cholera is raging among the Sacs and Foxes.[151] Among the victims already fallen a prey to its ravages, is Ke-o-kuck, their newly crowned, and renowned chief.

“The death of Ke-o-kuck is a source of deep regret to all who knew him. He was the great orator of the Sacs, and participated in the late great talk of the north west Indians, replied to general Scott with great ability and eloquence, and contributed to make the treaty. The general pronounces him one of the most distinguished orators, and the most accomplished Indian he had ever seen. He was presented with a handsome medal by gen. Scott – hence probably the expression ‘newly crowned’.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

Kentucky

Oct 4: “The report of Dr. Drake shows that, on the 4th of October, a man died of cholera at his home some ten or twelve miles south of Covington, having contracted the disease in Cincinnati; and that, on the 6th, a gentleman died of the same disease in the city of Covington, having contracted the disease also in Cincinnati.

“The importation of the disease into the State is thus established, although the records in the Transylvania Journal of 1832 and 1833 are confined almost exclusively to the establishment of the malarial theory.

“On or about the 4th day of October, cholera appeared at Louisville, Ky., five days later than we are informed by Dr. Drake that Cincinnati was infected. At this point, the disease was confined to the banks of the Ohio and to Beargrass Creek, which empties into the Ohio at that point. The mortality never became great; seven deaths per day was the average reported while the disease was at its height.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 587.)

Oct 15: “Kentucky. Charles S. Bibb, recently appointed U.S. judge of Arkansas, and oldest son of George M. Bibb, a senator of the U.S. from Kentucky, died at Yellow Banks, of the cholera, on the 15^th. ult.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.)

Oct 27 report: “Kentucky. Eight or ten deaths by cholera had happened at Louisville; and we regret to learn that the disease was increasing. And cases are said to have occurred at Maysville and Augusta.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.)

Oct 21-27: “Louisville. For the week ending Oct. 27, the daily average of deaths was about eight. The attacks were becoming less violent, but hospitals had been provided, &c. We since learn that the disease had much abated.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.)

Nov 5-7: “Additional accounts from Frankfort…have been received which represent the cholera to rage in that place to a greater extent than at any other point in that country. Frankfort contains about 2000 inhabitants…from a report of the Board of Health it appears that 22 cases occurred in 27 hours preceding the 7^th inst. of which eleven had proved fatal at the date of the report.

“It is said to have broken out also in Lexington, (Ky.)…At Louisville the disease had increased in fatality and extent. Thirteen new cases and three deaths occurred within 24 hours preceding the 8^th instant…N.Y. Enq.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. 11-27-1832, p. 3.)

Nov 6: “Lexington. Nov. 6. A negro died of cholera at Lexington, and during the next forty-eight hours five deaths occurred. All the cases occurred in one quarter of the city near to the margin of a small stream which runs through the city, into which all the sewers empty, and along which the railroad runs. Two of the cases reported were railroad employes—one an engineer.

“It will be noted that the first case did not occur until thirty-two days after the cholera-death recorded by Dr. Drake as having occurred ten or twelve miles south of Covington. We have been informed by old residents of the State that the disease advanced gradually along the line of public travel, which was at the time slow and tedious.

“Frankfort.– November 6. Cholera appeared at Frankfort, which city was connected with Lexington by a railroad, and during the first two days five deaths occurred, when the disease abated”.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 587.)

Nov 8-9, Maysville: “Maysville, Ky. Nov 15 [Friday]. In our last we expressed a hope and belief that the Cholera was fast disappearing here. This opinion, we regret to say was entirely premature. On Thursday and Friday [Nov 8-9], after our paper was put to press, it broke out with renewed and fearful malignity, sweeping off the stage of life a number of our respectable citizens. In the surrounding country, we regret to say, it has proved fatal in a number of cases; generally without distinction of persons. In town it has again assumed a mild form: but we know not how long it will remain so.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 12-4-1832, p. 4.)

Nov 24 report: “Kentucky. The cholera has reached Frankfort – there had been 12 cases and 5 deaths, in 48 hours. A later account says that the disease was raging with great malignity, and that 28 deaths had happened on one day!

“The disease still remained in Louisville – for the 24 hours ending on the 9^th, there had been 3 deaths. Several deaths have happened in Lexington, and a board of health has been appointed…

“The Maysville Eagle of Nov. 15, says that the cholera was raging in that town and its vicinity – proving fatal in many cases ‘without distinction of persons.’ It seemed, however, to have assumed a milder form.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 201.)

“Kentucky. The Kentuckian of the 15^th Nov. says that the cholera has entirely left Frankfort. So also at Lexington. At Louisville it had nearly ceased; but frequent cases yet happened at Maysville, and the disease was very malignant in the neighborhood.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

Louisiana

Oct 27-Nov 6, New Orleans: Clapp writes of a ten-day period during the epidemic: “On the evening of the 27^th of October, it [cholera] had made its way through every part of the city. During the ten succeeding days, reckoning from October 27 to the 6^th of November, all the physicians judged that, at the lowest computation, there were five thousand deaths – an average of five hundred every day. Many died of whom no account was rendered. A great number of bodies, with bricks and stones tied to the feet, were thrown into the river. Many were privately interred in gardens and enclosures, on the grounds they expired, whose names were not recorded in the bills of mortality. Often I was kept in the burying ground for hours in succession, by the incessant, unintermitting arrival of corpses, over whom I was requested to perform a short service. One day, I did not leave the cemetery till nine o’clock at night; the last interments were made by candle light….” [Page 120]

“On my arrival [at a cemetery to perform services], I found at the graveyard a large pile of corpses without coffins, in horizontal layers, one above the other, like corded wood. I was told that there were more than one hundred bodies deposited there. They had been brought by unknown persons, at different house since nine o’clock the evening previous. Large trenches were dug, into which these uncoffined corpses were thrown indiscriminately. The same day, a private hospital was found deserted; the physicians, nurses, and attendants were all dead, or had run away. Not a living person was in it. The wards were filled with putrid bodies, which, by order of the mayor, were piled in an adjacent yard, and burned, and their ashes scattered to the winds….” [Pages 124-125]

“Many persons, even of fortune and popularity, died in their beds without aid, unnoticed an unknown, and lay there for days unburied. In almost every house might be seen the sick, the dying, and the dead, in the same room. All the stores, banks, and places of business were closed. There were no means, no instruments for carrying on the ordinary affairs of business; for all the drays, carts, carriages, hand and common wheelbarrows, as well as hearses, were employed in the transportation of corpses, instead of cotton, sugar, and passengers. Words cannot describe my sensations when I first beheld the awful sight of carts driven to the graveyard, and there upturned, and their contents discharged as so many loads of lumber or offal, without a single mark of mourning or respect, because the exigency rendered it impossible…” [Page 125]

“For several days…the plague raged with unabated violence. But the events, toils, trials, and gloom of one day, in this terrific visitation, were a fac-simile of those that characterized the whole scene. A fatal yellow fever had been spreading destruction in the city six weeks before the cholera commenced. Thousands had left it to escape this scourge. So that, at the time of the first cholera, it was estimated that the population of the city did not exceed thirty-five thousand inhabitants. During the entire epidemic, at least six thousand persons perished; showing the frightful loss of one sixth of the people in about twelve days.” (Clapp 1857, p. 129.)

Oct 28: “New Orleans was very sickly – both yellow fever and cholera prevailing – the latter chiefly among the colored population. The interments, October 28 (one day), are reported at 192!!!” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “The Cholera.” V43, 11-17-1832, p. 178.)

Oct 29 report: “New Orleans, Oct. 29. The cholera and yellow fever continue to send great numbers to the grave. The interments in the Protestant Cemetery last week amounted to 71, and in the Catholic to 121 – total 192. We have been unable to find out the number of victims of each malady; but hope the City Council will take into consideration the suggestion of the Board of Health, and adopt such measures as will enable the public to obtain the information. This has been attended to in every other city of the Union; the curiosity of the public, which is always eager for such intelligence during the prevalence of epidemics, should be satisfied. The cholera, as far as we have been able to learn, has principally attacked the slaves, and persons of intemperance and unclean habits.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. 11-20-1832, p. 2.)

Oct 30: “A gentleman states, on authority of a letter from New Orleans, dated Oct. 30^th – than on the 29^th, the deaths by Cholera were 104, and that up to the hour of his writing on the 30^th 100 deaths were reported. He represents the city as being in the utmost consternation and confusion, and the inhabitants flying from the scourge in every direction. Its ravages among the slave population are terrible. The yellow fever was disappearing before the Cholera. – For a few days after the appearance of the Cholera, deaths occurred daily by both diseases – but for several days previous to the 30^th, there appeared to be no new cases of fever.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “Cholera in New-Orleans.” 11-20-1832, p. 5.)

Oct 31: “The number of bodies received at the burying grounds on the 31^st October was 123. Such was the terror of the people that it was hardly possible to procure persons to inter the dead.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, pp. 201-03.)

Oct end: “New Orleans. Surgeon Thomas Lawson, late Surgeon-General United States Army, reports that cholera appeared at New Orleans near the close of October, “the city being the first point attacked, and the last position maintained by the enemy. Without pretending to determine the cause of this mysterious disease, or its mode of propagation, one fact is certain, viz, that no case of the disease manifested itself among us until after the arrival in port of the steamer Constitution, which had several cases on board, a number of her passengers having already fallen victims to the disease. So fearfully rapid was the pestilence in its progress, that in less than, forty-eight hours it reached the lowest plantation on the Mississippi, desolating almost every spot inhabited by man.” (McClellan. “A History of the Travels of Asiatic Cholera…In North America,” 1875, p. 579.)

Nov 1 report: “The New Orleans Emporium of the 1st instant, gives the following account of

he dreadful situation of that truly afflicted City.

The eighth ‘vial of the wrath of God’ seems to have been poured over our ill-starred city. The fatal ravages of our autumnal pest, yellow fever, have been of an unusually malignant character, added to which the devastations of cholera are of the most appalling mortality. At the rate thus far, which has marked the relentless career of the king of terrors, since the combined powers of the two epidemics have been at work, it would take but one year totally to depopulate the city of New-Orleans!!

On which ever side we turn our eyes the triumphs of the ‘last enemy’ meet our view. The reality of the city of the plague stands confest in all its horrors. — The result, independent of the destruction of human life, will be of a fatal tendency to the welfare of this city, and we fear great commercial, as well as physical suffering will ensue.

For the moment the excitement of political and partisan polemics yields to the all-absorbing subject, which involves the life and death of the community.

(Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.)

Nov 1 report: “….There were 133 interments yesterday; or rather so many were taken to the burying grounds. We doubt whether all were interred, as the night before there were 13 bodies left over in the Protestant ground, part of them without coffins. The panic is now so great that it is almost impossible to get coffins made, graves dug, or the dead buried in any way…We are unable to learn whether the Yellow Fever or Cholera carries off most. Thus far, the ravages have been confined principally to the laboring, indigent and intemperate class, together with many negroes. Nevertheless, a good many temperates, regular, acclimated citizens, both male and female, and even little children, have been carried off in a few hours. There appear to be none safe….If the pestilence should long continue, none will be left to tell the sad tale. Mr. B. thinks the City Council will recommend burning the dead, as it is impossible to bury then, and the stench is already so great at the grave-yards, that it is almost impossible for persons to remain there….Dr. Der, Dr. M’Farlane, and a number of other physicians, are sick and unable to attend to the duties….On the evening of the 1^st, may persons were observed burning tar before their doors and in their yards, to keep off the pestilence. Numerous fires were lighted in almost all the streets. Firing of guns was also resorted o, and continued till a late hour.” ” (The Mail, Hagerstown MD. “Dreadful Mortality at New Orleans.” 12-1-1832, p. 2.)

Nov 1-2 reports: “A letter estimates the total deaths of the week ending on the 1^st instant, at upwards of one thousand, a mortality greatly exceeding anything that has been before witnessed in this country. The bodies were brought to the grave yards in such rapid succession that it was found impossible to dispose of them during the day, and many were left for burial on the succeeding day. Some of the physicians contend that the disease which carries off so many is not the Asiatic cholera, but the common cholera morbus of the country, aggravated by the unfavorable state of the weather! By others it is called the ‘cold plague.’ The Courier of the 2d instant says that ‘the rich and the poor, the temperate and the intemperate, equally fall victims to its baneful influence.’ The yellow fever prevails, but only in a comparatively limited degree.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, pp. 201-203.)

Nov 1-2 reports: “New Orleans. The ‘Emporium’ of Nov. 1, though it does not state the number of deaths in New Orleans, says that the rate of them would totally depopulate the city in one year! They had been, for several preceding days, as we learn from other sources, more than one hundred per day – by the united force of yellow fever and cholera, the former chiefly attacking unacclimated persons, and the latter the colored inhabitants. We have hardly ever before heard of such an amount of mortality. The population of the parish New Orleans in 1830, was 50,100 – we do not know what proportion of this amount was located in the city proper….

“In general, the cholera in New Orleans ends life in less than six hours, some die in half the time, and without having had any ‘premonitory symptom!’ The yellow fever had an uncommonly malignant type: and the progress of these disorders was so rapid and appalling, that persons attacked were badly provided for, and many perished for the want of proper attentions to them.

“There were thirteen deaths on board the steamboat Freedom, and thirty-six on board the Chief Justice Marshall, in their passage down the Mississippi.

“On the 1^st November the following article appeared in the ‘Argus’ –

To the mayor and aldermen of New Orleans:

Gentlemen, I have been just informed by several individuals of undoubted veracity, that at 5 o’clock, this evening, there were forty-five corpses remaining uninterred in the Protestant burial ground, and that there did not appear to be any possibility of these being interred before night, so that it is likely they may remain exposed all night and part of tomorrow. The same gentlemen assert that those that were interred were thrown into trenches in the most careless manner, with scarcely six inches of earth over them. If this enormity is not immediately looked into, a worse plague than that which is now ravaging our city, will soon come upon us, the consequences of which are too appalling to dare to think of.

An inhabitant of the faubourg St. Mary. Thursday evening, 6 o’clock.

“The New Orleans Bee, of the 3d instant, announces the death of 177 persons on the 1^st, and 170[152] on the 2^nd November. A letter to a gentleman in Charleston, dated the 2d instant, states that they die faster than coffins can be made, and faster than they can be buried.

‘For the last four or five nights, there have been from 20 to 50 left unburied. A new plan has been adopted for interring the dead, viz: digging a ditch, 50 feet long, 4 feet deep and 7 feet wide; to contain from 100 to 150 bodies, where the coffins are laid two tier deep; the bottom tier across the ditch, the top tier fore and aft; the first tier are all under water; they are then covered with mud, 18 inches to two feet from the surface. There can be seen in the grave yard one or two hundred coffins at one time uncovered – as they do not cover them until completely filled. Many poor families are swept off entirely. I am aware of two families, one of 12, the other of 11, who have all died, and several composed of 5, 6 and 7 persons. The sickness is worse than any season ever before known. In 1822 the greatest number of deaths in one day was 42; and that is considered the worst year ever known before this. You can form no idea of the misery which exists among the poor. You would hardly believe me were I to state it truly. What I have written you may depend upon as true. I understand that the artillery companies are to discharge their pieces throughout the city, to endeavor to purify the air.’

“The following extract is from a letter dated 1^st inst. –

‘The yellow fever and cholera are raging most violently. The mortality frightfully great – beyond all precedent. The day before yesterday 113 deaths – yesterday 150 – and today upwards of 200. It is impossible to bury them as fast as they are taken to the commons. Twelve in one house died today of the cholera, all well yesterday, and some of them I conversed with. General Farrow is no more, he died last night – he went to bed at 10 o’clock, apparently well, and at one was a corpse, of the cholera.’

“Extract from another, dated Nov. 2^nd –

‘At this moment, (half past 8 o’clock, P.M.) a whole square on the Levee, between St. Philip and Duniaine streets, is in flames. They are burning tar in all the streets and yards, and firing guns in all directions to purify the atmosphere.’

“Among the deaths in New Orleans was that of Thomas F. McCaleb, esq. secretary of state; and John Penrice, esq. editor of the Louisiana Advertiser.

“A letter dated Nov. 2, says –

‘The inhabitants are completely panic struck – bonfires of tar and pitch are now burning in every street, and continual firing of cannon; what effect all this will have upon the atmosphere remains to be seen. Yesterday, at night, there remained nearly 150 corpse unburied in the church yard’.”

(Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, pp. 201-203.)

Nov 2 Report: “A letter addressed by a respectable mercantile house in New Orleans under date of 2d inst. to a correspondent in New York gives a most lamentable account of the present condition of the former city. They confirm our previous accounts of the prevalence of the Cholera, and state that 300 deaths occurred there on the 1st inst. and that at 11 o’clock on the 2d not fewer than 200 bodies which had been brought to the different cemeteries remained unburied. So appalling was the disease, and so heart-stricken the people, that persons could not be found to bestow upon the victims the ordinary rites of sepulcher. The public authorities therefore had been compelled to resort to the revolting measure of sinking the unburied bodies in the river to avoid the consequences that might result from putrefaction. All business was suspended, and the greatest consternation prevailed. The bakers had shut their shops for want of persons to carry on their business, and the butchers had refused to pursue their usual avocations in the market.

“We cannot but hope that this melancholy picture may be somewhat overdrawn from the workings of sympathy and terror. Previous advices, however, and the respectable channel through which it comes, leaves us little room to doubt that the calamities of New York in July, were but a tythe of those which have fallen upon New Orleans.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “Later from New Orleans, and More Appalling.” 11-27-1832, p. 3.)

Nov 2 report: “Extract of another [letter], dated Nov. 2^nd –

At this moment (half past 8 o’clock, P.M.), a whole square on the Levee, between St. Philip and Duniaine streets, is in flames. They are burning tar in all the streets and yards, and firing guns in all directions to purity the atmosphere.

(Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Pestilence.” 11-27-1832, p. 4.)

Nov 3 report: “The New Orleans Price Current of the 3^rd says – We have been informed that the epidemic has declared itself on the plantations, and already the most dreadful apprehensions are entertained, as well for the lives of the slaves as for the sugar crop, for this is the grinding and boiling season, when delay is irretrievable loss, perhaps pecuniary ruin – but we flatter ourselves that things may take a better turn; the disease is known, and we have been admonished for years that it was approaching: we trust that preparation has been made for it, and that the proverbial energy of the planters of Louisiana, may enable them, under Providence, to bear their misfortunes with fortitude….” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, pp. 201-203.)

Nov 4 report: “New Orleans, November 4, 1832. ‘The hand of the Most High has been laid heavily on our devoted city: the deaths for the last ten days by cholera and the yellow fever having been about three hundred a day. In a vast number of cases the cholera took off its victims in two, three, four and five hours, many falling down in the streets and expiring in twenty or twenty-five minutes. A sufficient number of laborers cannot be procured to dig the graves, so that it is no uncommon sight to see one to two hundred bodies lying in the grave yards for days and nights, some with coffins, others without. Our city is now nearly deserted by its inhabitants’.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, pp. 201-203.)

Nov 4 report: “A letter dated November 4, says –

The yellow fever and cholera rage to a dreadful degree. Some die in two or three hours. The heat is excessive, and the hourly arrival of strangers makes it dreadful. Alas! When and where will it stop? None of our large family has as yet been attacked. Last week 1,070 died; and a great many just carried, as they had died, without a coffin, and although they have dug pits fifty feet long, and bury them three deep, they had no room yesterday to bury all. There were 45 corpses not interred last night. The principal bakers have given up baking, in consequence of losing so many blacks, and we have almost to fight for bread. The first day the mob was so great at the bake house near us that the guards had to turn out to quell it. The cry was, ‘Lord, give me bread, I have not had a bite for two days.’ The distress is greater than I have ever witnessed. All the rich have contributed to the relief of the poor; with them, the mayor and corporation. The Union Masonic lodge has appropriated 2,000 dollars – the Polar Star lodge 1,200, and the Perseverance lodge has given up their lodge for a hospital. All the apothecaries have furnished drugs or medicines, some to the amount of $400, and others $300.

(Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 225.)

Nov 5 report: “New Orleans, Nov. 5, 1832.

The Cholera or Cold Plague, together with Yellow Fever, is raging to so great an extent that coffins cannot be made fast enough to put the dead into. The Yellow Fever is very bad, and persons are taken off with Cholera in two hours – very few live over that time. Business is completely prostrated, stores shut up, and one half of the people have fled from town. Last night upwards of seventy coffins were at the graveyard, and none to bury them, and in consequence had to remain over night. The graveyards are now full, and they are burying them outside of the yards. Last week there were 1070 interments – yesterday 176. Almost every hour you can see hearses with six coffins in them at once. All the Irish on the canal are killed, and some of our most respectable citizens have fallen victims. All our passengers left town immediately. I would go myself, but am advised to remain; for should it break out where I would go, there would be no attendance or physicians. Ten thousand pounds of powder were shot off on Saturday to purify the air, and tar burned in different parts of the city. Amer. Sent.

(Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. 11-27-1832, p. 3.)

Nov 5 report: “From the Emporium of Nov. 5.

‘With a profusion of the pecuniary resources of the city at his command, what excuse can now be made by the mayor of this city for further inertness and listlessness? The people are in a state of suffering, despondency and excitement unparalleled in the history of the city. ‘Death on the pale horse’ for the last ten days has been rapidly engaged in the indiscriminate work of slaughter. Not less than eighteen hundred individuals have perished since the commencement of the disease. Abuses of a most flagrant character exist, which no effort of the proper authority seems to correct, and unless speedy measures are taken forthwith to purity the atmosphere of the cemeteries, a worse scourge than ever visited the human race will add its horrors to the pests of yellow fever and cholera with which we are sorely afflicted.

‘Should further delay ensue it will be impossible to predict the fatal consequences. Let our wealthy, active and philanthropic citizens look to these maters. They are fraught with ominous import to the prosperity of the city as well as to human life.’

“….The branch of the bank of the United States, at New Orleans, appropriated one thousand dollars for the relief of the sick and indigent of the city – and promptly accommodated the city corporation with all that was asked for.

“Further accounts. It is said that the bakers had closed their bakeries and the butchers ceased to furnish meat, because of the great mortality among their hands. Happy are they who have the means of obtaining food! It was reported that many dead bodies had been sunk in the river, as the most convenient way of disposing of them. But in a season so appalling, great allowances must be made for exaggerated reports. The major part of those who die are slaves.

“The following list of interments at New Orleans is from the Mobile Commercial Register of Nov. 5^th, in which it is given on the authority of a private letter from New Orleans, dated November 2d.

Friday 26^th October 105

Saturday 27^th “ 145

Sunday 28^th “ 127

Monday 29^th “ 138

Tuesday 30^th “ 160

Wednesday 31^st “ 165

Thursday 1^st November 230

1,070

“It is intimated that all the deaths were not included even in these fearful aggregates – and said that some of the coffins were sugar boxes, that many were put into ditches uncoffined – others covered up in the swamps and woods, &c. The idea seems general that two hundred a day had died!….” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, pp. 201-203.)

Nov 5: “The editor of the Louisiana Advertiser, in his paper of he 5^th ult. Thus scolded the physicians of New Orleans:

We do not wish to quarrel with the physicians of this place, for we know not at what moment we may have occasion, ourself, to summon their assistance; but, yet, we cannot refrain from telling them that there is not, among the slave states, a more scurvy set of white men than they are! There was not a single report of cases handed, yesterday, to the secretary of the board of health.

“The above was the last paragraph Mr. Penrice ever wrote. He was attacked by the cholera on the 5^th, and his paper of the 6^th is in deep mourning for his death.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

Nov 6: “New Orleans, November 6, 1832. ‘In the two burying grounds there are now lying unburied and exposed to the weather upwards of 200 bodies that have been there for several days, it being difficult to procure persons to deposit them in the earth. I could go on with many other similar distressing circumstances, but must leave the relation to another time.’

“The Mobile Register of the 9^th inst. says:

‘The mail due from New Orleans yesterday arrived in the evening, but furnished only a single paper. The accounts of the cholera show no abatement in the disease, and from gentlemen who came passengers in the state, we learn that it was attacking the better classes, and that several highly respectable citizens had fallen victims – among them we deeply regret to notice Mr. Penrice, the editor of the Louisiana Advertiser – and Mr. McCaleb, the secretary of state for the state of Louisiana.

The number of daily interments at the grave yards, do not appear to have been increased, since our last intelligence, but they are represented to exceed 200. From the report of the sextons, for the eight days ending on the evening of the 6^th, the number of burials exceeded 1,100; and the population does not, at this time probably exceed 35,000. This statement does not include the interments at the port, and in private lots, in the vicinity of the city, which would probably increase the whole number, to at least 1,500. We recollected nothing in the history of epidemics in this country that approaches this frightful destruction of human life.

“Another account gives a long list of respectable persons who had died – and the Covington (Lou.) Palladium of the 3^rd inst. remarks that the price for grave digging in New Orleans is six dollars per day; that nurses demand ten dollars per day; and are not in many instances to be had, even for that exorbitant sum.

“The public institutions and wealthy individuals in New Orleans had, with great liberality, furnished means for the relief of the sick and interment of the dead – so far as money would obtain them. One of the Masonic lodges had given 1,200 dollars, others considerable sums. It seems that nurses and grave diggers cannot be had in sufficient numbers, at any price.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, pp. 201-203.)

Nov 7: “Franklin, Lou.[153] Nov 7. – The Cholera. This loathsome disease has at length made its appearance in this parish [St. Mary], both above and below this village. The number of cases which have occurred in this parish, as far as we can learn, are ten; two whites and eight colored, all of which have terminated fatally!” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

Nov 8 report: “The New Orleans Bee of the 8^th inst. says:

The epidemic is evidently abating, both in malignancy and in the number of its attacks. The Weather is now colder; and were it but only clear, the stiff north wind would blow it away altogether…

(Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. 11-27-1832, p. 3.)

Nov 8-9: “New Orleans papers of the 8^th Nov. represented the cholera as abating in violence. The following report from a committee appointed to examine one of the hospitals, will account, in some degree, for the great mortality that has prevailed:

From the New Orleans Bee of the 8^th November.

To Mr. Denis Prieur, mayor of the city of N. Orleans.

The undersigned, standing committee named by the city council during the prevalence of the epidemic now desolating the city, have the honor to report that, in consequence of information given by sundry respectable persons relative to the condition of the hospital kept by Dr. McFarlane, they repaired, today at half past 1 o’clock, to said hospital; that in all the apartments they found the most disgusting filth; that al the night vessels were full, and that the patients have all declared, that for a long time they had received no kind of succor; that in many apartments of the building they found corpses, several of which had been a number of days in putrefaction; that thence they repaired to a chamber adjoining the kitchen where they found the body of a negro, which had been a long time dead, in a most offensive state. They finally went to another apartment opposite the kitchen, which was equally filthy with the other rooms, and that they there found many corpses of persons a long time dead, that in a bed, between others, they found a many dying stretched upon the body of a man many days dead.

Finally they declare that it is impossible for one to form an idea of what they have witnessed without he had himself seen it; that it is indispensably necessary for the patients to evacuate this hospital, and above all, to watch lest the corpses, in a state of putrefaction, occasion pestilence in that quarter, and perhaps in the whole city….

November 9, 1932.

The standing committee has the honor to present the following additional report:

In one of the apartments where were many living and dead bodies, they found under a bed, a dead body, partly eaten, whose belly and entrails lay upon the floor. It exhaled a most pestiferous odour. In a little closet upon the gallery there were two dead bodies, one of which lay flat upon the floor and the other had his feet upon the floor and his back upon the bed forming a curve; the belly prodigiously swelled and the thighs green. Under a shed in the yard, was the dead body of a negro, off which a fowl was picking worms. The number of corpses amounted to twelve or fourteen.

(Signed) E. A. Canton, chairman.

Felix Labatut, alderman second ward.

Charles Lee, alderman first ward.

“Soon after the preceding appeared, Dr. McFarlane published a defense which discloses the terrible character of the disease which has been ravaging that city, and the universal consternation and terror which it caused. Dr. McFarlane himself had been sick with the cholera; of thirteen able bodied attendants who were appointed to attend the hospital, only three were left, and two of them females, to supply the sick with food and medicines. Double price was offered for assistance, and none could be obtained. The charity hospital and every place in the city, where it was hoped that aid could be obtained, was visited in vain. The offers were increased. Any price was offered, and the levees searched for help without success. The rest we give in the Dr’s own words, and if a picture of blacker horror can be found even in fiction, we know nothing of it.

The dying and the dead were continually arriving. It was neither the duty nor the province of the subscriber to bury the dead sent by the mayor, and it was but by courtesy that he originally consented to do so at his desire. Finding that the attendants were inadequate to attend on the living and bury the dead, orders were given to admit no more. Controversies arose with those who brought them, but they refused to take them away. At length they accumulated, 20 frequently arriving during the day; the attendants, exhausted by fatigue, sickened, and a majority of them died; among whom were slaves belonging to the subscriber of the value of $5,000, leaving but three, two of whom were females, to supply the remaining inmates of the infirmary with food and medicine. The convalescents could not be induced by any offer of remuneration to lend their assistance.

Coffins could not be obtained to receive the dead, nor men to drive the vehicles in which they were to be transported to the cemetery. Thus they continued to accumulate, while the subscriber was awaiting with horrible anxiety the hourly arrival of assistance from some of the agents whom he had set in motion to procure it. Such was the condition of the infirmary when visited by the committee of the city council.

Shortly after their visit an arrangement was made with Mr. James Lambert to bury the dead, and that duty was slowly but steadily going on, with the incendiary torch was lighted by the active exertions of an officious individual, which was intended to consume him.

Such is the honest, just and true statement of facts as they occurred in the Orleans infirmary.

When it is taken into consideration that laborers have not been obtainable for hospital duties at any price; that the secretary of state, with all the appliances of wealth, friends and popularity, lay several days unburied in his own house, until the two benevolent individuals, who were entreated to perform that duty, could hardly endure the pestilential effluvia of his decomposing remains; when it is recollected that hundreds lay unburied many days in the cemeteries, with all the finance of this wealthy city, and all the exertions of the mayor and corporation to facilitate their interments, can it be charged as a crime to a single unassisted individual, that a similar catastrophe should have occurred with him, and he laboring at the same time under the influence of a disease which was hurrying thousands to an untimely grave? No! it cannot be; common humanity – common magnanimity – common mercy forbid it.

“The New Orleans Courier speaking of the pestilence, says:

The dreadful epidemic which fills our unfortunate city with mourning and desolation, and which by some is designated as the cholera, by others the cold plague, and which many call a compound of all the evils which hell may contain, finds no obstacle to check its destructive course. The rich and the poor, the temperate and the intemperate, equally fall victims to its baneful influence.

Nov 8: “The following letter appears in the Journal of Commerce:

New Orleans, November 8^th, 6 P.M. I am yet on board the Saratoga. I have no doubt the worst has passed by. It may be termed a perfect Sirocco, a sweeper of the plain. The division has been about equal between yellow fever, cold plague and cholera.

This morning I witnessed the ceremony of burning seventeen dead bodies. They had remained so long that they could not be removed – it had been resolved to burn the hospital. The accounts of this horrid hospital are truly awful. Of course we shall have a full exposition hereafter.

The prospects are great for the sugar crop, provided the cholera does not take off too many of the negroes. Some plantations are suffering excessively from the disease, but I think it will now pass by.

Nov 9: “A letter of the 9^th says –

The days of the 6^th and 7^th were more fatal than previously, being above 220 victims on each day. Never have I seen such a dreadful time, the greatest consternation depicted on every countenance. On the night of the 7^th, we had a very heavy rain, followed by unusual cold weather; this change has checked both diseases, and, most wonderful to relate, the number of deaths yesterday and today, is said not to exceed 60 each day, with a cold northerly wind and fine clear weather. This change, together with the alarm that has greatly subsided, is a very great relief; the physicians also have the disease more under their control, and say that the danger is past.

Nov 9: “From the New Orleans Emporium of the 9^th November.

It is with no ordinary feelings of devout gratitude and joy that we offer our congratulations to our fellow citizens on the evident and striking diminution in the number of cases of cholera for the last two days. The change in the weather, we trust, will prove auspicious in checking the ravages of both epidemics, which have clad our city in mourning and blasted the hopes of many in the loss of friends and relatives.

We learn, with deep regret, that the cholera has broken out with great violence, on several plantations. Should its fatality be proportionate to its ravages in this city, the destruction of life and property will realize the gloomiest apprehensions and forebodings of the suffering planters. Ruin, in its worst form, like the sword of Damocles, seems to be suspended over their heads. At this season of harvest, we can only hope that the disease may be delayed, or else appear in its milder type. With the destruction of their slaves, the hopes of the cultivator and the country at large will be, measurable, prostrated.

Nov 10: “From the same of the 10^th –

Our respectable contemporary of this morning has, certainly and unadvisedly, made a statement, which, if it do not reflect upon the dead, must tend to injure the feelings of the living. We, most unqualifiedly, protest against the sweeping remark that ‘the mortality has visited only the filthy and intemperate!’ Hundreds of estimable members of society, whose lives and conversation adorned the community of which they were bright exemplars, have been consigned to the tomb. The indiscriminate victims of this dreadful pestilence have been, singularly, peculiar to this city.

“McCaleb, Blane, Baspiler, Duchamp, Charbonnet, aye, and hundreds of similar worth, have been numbered with the dead.

“How has the domestic sanctuary been riven by the fell destroyer, of the amiable and virtuous mother, wife and daughter, whose names we will not repeat to tear open the wounds of recent infliction!

“Never was the general leveling of nature’s last enemy more signally illustrated than in the visit of th cholera at New Orleans. It has passed by, like a meteor of desolation, and desolating, indeed, have been its results. May its effects upon the hearts of survivors be salutary and lasting.

Nov 10: “A letter of the 10^th says: — ‘The disorder is not so virulent on the plantations as to endanger the crops of cotton and sugar, which will prove very abundant.

“Another letter says, that on one plantation 30 negroes had died out of th 100, and on another 40!

Nov 10-11: “Accounts of the 11^th Nov. are cheering. Frosts had occurred, and checked the yellow fever, and strong winds were supposed to have produced a better atmosphere. On the 10^th and 11^th the deaths were only about thirty a day. And on the 12^th, the cholera was said to have ‘almost entirely subsided!’

“How rapid and strange are the advances of this wonderful disease – how sudden and unaccountable its retirements.

“It is said that 2,500 persons died between the 23^rd Oct. and 10^th Nov. and that there was hardly a case of cholera which had not been preceded by a diarrhoea.

“The large sum of $14,000 was raised by private subscriptions, of the few inhabitants that remained in the city, in four days.

“The interments from the 28^th Oct. to the 11^th Nov. inclusive, in the regular burying grounds, were 1,668. Highest number on the 4^th Nov. 176 – Lowest on the 9^th – 39. On the 11^th 00 55.

Nov 13: “A letter from New Orleans, dated 13^th November, received at Charleston, says –

At last your negroes per the Eliza Ann have arrived. I am very glad to tell you the cholera has almost left our city: the last three or four days we scarcely hear of any cases, and what is remarkable, in our part of the city, we have none of it comparatively. There have been but few cases below Canal street compared with the number above, and the cases were not attended with such mortality; for but very few escaped its ravages, and scarcely any recovered that were attacked. The cholera left us as suddenly as it came amongst us; it is, however, spreading through the country, in all directions, and its carnage is beyond precedent. You have never heard of such havoc as it is making on the coast above and below the city.

Nov 13: “The New-Orleans Board of Health announced on the 13^th November, the cessation of the Cholera there as an epidemic, and that only a few cases occur in the suburbs of the city, among the indigent.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “New Orleans.” 12-4-1832, p. 4.)

Nov 14: “The editor of the New Orleans Emporium, in his paper of the 14^th inst. makes the following commentary upon the report of the board of health of that city:

We perceive by a report from the board of health, dated 13^th inst. that with the most lively satisfaction, that body announces the entire disappearance of the epidemic, which for fifteen days made such cruel and frightful ravages among us.

We should very much like to know, of what disease the cart loads of people die, that no longer ago than this morning, met our eye wending their way to the Catholic cemetery!!

Will the board of health, or any other respectable source, inform the public?

(Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, pp. 225-226.)

Nov 19 report: “From the New Orleans Argus of Nov. 19.

For the last ten days we have been blessed with unusually fine, clear and cool weather, which has much conduced to restoring the health of our city. A few sporadic cases of cholera may, perhaps, still exist. We have heard of no late cases of yellow fever, and upon the whole our city may now be considered quite healthy.

“The same paper mentions that the port is well filled with shipping, and that the levee and streets exhibit a great del of activity and bustle. ‘We have (adds the Argus), an immense number of strangers amongst us; and our prospects, but lately so gloomy, have brightened, and everything now leads us to anticipate a most favorable season of business.’

“There had been 43 interments in the Protestant cemetery for the week ending Nov. 17. The interments in the same cemetery for the week previous, were 185. A great falling off, indeed!

“By another article in the same paper we observe that the excavation of the canal has been recommenced, with great activity and zeal – 300 laborers being already at work; and many additional hands were arriving from the north. The disease had been awfully destructive among the laborers on this work.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

Maryland

Bramucci: “In all, 853 Baltimoreans died during the 1832 cholera pandemic, with deaths peaking between the weeks of August 27 and September 17. In addition, 133 inmates of the Baltimore Almshouse also died from the disease.” (Bramucci. Medicine in Maryland 1752-1920.)

Jameson: “…the authorities, alive to every sense of humanity, spared no pains to prepare means of defense, and that it was their good fortune to be instrumental in adopting the most salutary measures of which the case admitted….In the month of February, 1832, the consulting physician for Baltimore [Dr. Jameson] addressed a communication to the Mayor and Board of Health, on the subject of cholera, in which he offered some facts and reflections in support of an epidemic constitution of the atmosphere, which was about to control our diseases…” (Jameson 1855, 103.)

“On the 7^th of June arrived the ship Brenda, from Liverpool, with one-hundred and twenty-three passengers, of whom nineteen died on board; but the disease had entirely disappeared from the ship before her arrival. This arrival gave rise to great excitement at the Point (the lower part of Baltimore), and placed the health officer in a very unpleasant situation. A large portion of the people had formed their opinions, and many were disposed to pay no respect to the health officer or any one else, and the most unreasonable and extravagant projects were proposed for warding off the supposed contagious cholera. The health officer was early convinced that there was no risk of importing cholera; but prudence, and, indeed, public safety, required that the prejudices of the people should be respected. No one could tell how soon the disease might make its appearance, and accidental coincidence, as to the arrival of shipping and the disease, might have led to wrong impressions, and in this way, for a time, the truth might have been obscured, and to many entirely concealed. Upon the whole, prudence dictated the propriety of conforming to the wishes of the people. Such were the motives which influenced the consulting physician, although his mind was wholly made up as to non-contagion, and we know that such were the motives of the Board of Health in sustaining the health officer in his quarantine measures.

“There was, however, another reason for adopting every precaution to guard against the admission of passengers or shipping, under any circumstances, without examination. Some of our sister cities were prepossessed with the belief of the importability of cholera; it therefore became necessary, as well on account of the respect due our neighbors, as in self-defense, to adopt the same measures of defense as if we had been contagionists. We saw here that a refusal on our part, might have shut us out from other ports. Hence it was, that the Baltimore Board of Health regularly and vigilantly enforced quarantine regulations against cholera, when the Mayor, Board of Health, Health Officer, and the Consulting Physician, were all non-contagionists.

“While some other cities were trusting to prohibitory measures in considerable degree, we were engaged at an early period in improving the condition of the city by the removal of everything which might tend to contaminate the atmosphere. In these sanitary measures, our City Councils early showed a becoming zeal for the employment of preventive measures.

“The City Councils were convened by the Mayor (Col. Wm. Stewart) in the month of June, and an ordinance was passed, and obtained the signature of the mayor on the 26^th of June. Section 1^st provides that every person arriving from sea, or coastwise, from a foreign country, or any lace where any contagious disease existed, should be detained at the quarantine ground, now removed to a distance not less than a mile below the fort. Section 2d provides that every vessel, of every description, coming from any port within or without the United States, where any dangerous or contagious disease exists, and every vessel in which any contagious or dangerous disease existed, within thirty days of her arrival in the Patapsco River, shall remain at anchorage to be designated as aforesaid, at least fourteen days. Section 3d provides against vessels which, having sailed for other ports, afterwards altered their destination, with intent to land at Baltimore. Under such circumstances, they were compelled to ride quarantine at least thirty days; and a discretionary power was given the health-officer to detain longer, if deemed necessary.

“Section 4^th provides, that no person shall be brought into the city of Baltimore within fourteen days of their arrival from a foreign country. Sections 5^th and 6^th provide severe penalties for violations of any of the foregoing ordinances. Section 7^th gives a discretionary power to the health officer to permit persons to go on shore, provided ample security could be given that they would not remain within three miles of the city, nor come into it.

“With a view to relieve all passengers, as far as circumstances would allow, from all unnecessary restraint or privation, a steamboat was procured for the purpose of relieving crowded vessels, and affording comfort to any that might be sick; and another health officer was added to the Quarantine office. By these measures much was done to render the situation of persons detained as comfortable as the nature of the case would admit, and, no doubt, the health of the passengers was thereby essentially promoted. The value of these measures may be estimated when we inform our readers, that during six months that our quarantine existed at Baltimore, beginning with the first of May 11,946 passengers arrived at quarantine, and there was not a solitary case of cholera of malignant or milder aspect at the quarantine or among the shipping; a fact which, while it speaks to the praise of the health officer, tends irresistibly to prove the non-contagious and non-migratory nature of the epidemic cholera of 1832 in Baltimore.

“On the 7^th of July, the City Councils of Baltimore passed ordinances in anticipation of the cholera, which was seen to be coming towards that city. It was enacted and provided: 1^st, That the usual number of superintendents of streets be doubled. 2d, They were required to visit twice a week every street, lane, or alley, public or private, and have them scraped and swept, and filth or dirt to be immediately removed. 3d, Cellars and other places to be whitewashed whenever necessary. 4^th, To visit, twice a week, all vacant lots, lumber-yards, brick-yards, tan-yards, slaughter-houses, manufactories, distilleries, cattle-yards and hog-pens, and see to their purification. 5^th, All gutters to be examined and repaired, or the course of the water to be altered, should it be deemed necessary. 6^th, Fireplugs of the hydrants to be opened twice a week, and gutters well washed out. 7^th, No stagnant water to be sprinkled on the streets. 8^th, All vaults and privies to be examined and limed, should it be required to improve their condition. 9^th, Street manure, when removed, to be limed where deposited. 10^th, Discretion given to the Board of Health to continue these regulations till 31^st of October. 11^th, Board of Health authorized to engage the Maryland Hospital, and make preparation for cholera patients by preparing bedding, &c., and also fit up as many houses within the city as may be thought necessary. 12^th, Consulting physician and Board of Health directed to appoint physicians, to be stationed at the hospitals. 13^th, Authorized the Mayor to appoint an apothecary in each ward, where medicines could be had, at all hours, for sick of cholera, at the city expense. The above regulations were faithfully carried out, and all low or wet places, mouths of sewers, &c., well limed. These measures, it will be seen, commenced early in July, but they did not prevent the occurrence of cholera early in the second week of August; but no doubt four weeks, bestowed in the purification of the things within, must have improved the atmosphere of the city, and lessened both the extent and the mortality of the disease.

“It will be seen, by reference to section 11^th, that the Board of Health, with the approbation of the Mayor, had power given to them to rent or erect as many buildings as might, by them, be deemed necessary, and provision was also made for furnishing every building thus rented or erected, to be fitted up with the requisite bedding, &c., &c., and also appoint a physician for each place. It is easily seen what an enormous expense might thus have been incurred under an ordinance so liberal.

“The consulting physician, aware of the great expense which would attend the establishment of any considerable number of hospitals, and aware, too, of the difficulty of locating these buildings to the wants or convenience of the poor, and believing that none but large, airy buildings were suitable for cholera hospitals, used his influence with the Mayor and Councils, to limit the hospitals to two, to which should be added a cholera dispensary, and one physician for each of the twelve wards should be appointed. Provision having been made by the City Councils for this purpose, on the 7^th of July, the Mayor appointed the physicians accordingly, leaving the whole choice to the consulting physician.

“These physicians, who were all gentlemen of good experience, were appointed on the 13^th of July, and held themselves in readiness to act when called on; but their services did not begin till the second week of August. So far as we have been informed, the first case of malignant cholera occurred in Baltimore on the 4^th of August, 1832. On that day, a little girl, about seven years of age, died suddenly; but we were not aware, at that time, that she died of cholera. She was of respectable parentage, and in a neighborhood where cholera was not likely, from appearance, to show itself, being a very respectable neighborhood, and having clean and airy buildings; but there were several deaths afterwards in the location designated, which was at the corners of Liberty and Baltimore Streets. On the same day of the death above noticed, there died an old colored man, aged 84 years. This case, at the time, we believed to be cholera; we saw him a few hours before his death. One of our most respectable physicians insisted that this was a case of common cholera morbus. (Jameson, H. G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, 104-109.)

……..

“It will be observed, by turning to our hospital reports, that the disease first appeared in Ruxton Lane; but it subsequently spread through most of the city, and was by no means most prevalent in localities liable to bilious diseases of a high grade; but, especially, there was no affinity in this respect between places in which the yellow fever usually has prevailed at long intervals in former years and those in which epidemic cholera showed itself. In some places, crowded streets and alleys suffered most; but there were exceptions to this, so that, in some instances, where we might have looked for cholera to exist, it appeared slightly or not at all, while other localities, remarkable for their salubrity, suffered in greater degree than those in which yellow fever is most commonly seen.

“A very large part of Baltimore is wholly exempt from yellow fever at all times; but it was seen that cholera was not confined to any fixed bounds, whether we look to location simply, or location associated with general healthiness. Several persons were said to have died in one part of Liberty Street, most of whom were persons of respectability. One little girl, aged seven years, was, we believe, the first victim to cholera in the epidemic of 1832….It is proper to observe here, that that part of Liberty Street which suffered most from cholera is alluvial or made ground, there having been, in former years, a large gully, which served as a drain for a large portion of the upper part of the city; but this has long since been filled up, and the parts around have been well improved by clean substantial buildings….” (Jameson, H. G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, pp. 145-146.)

Aug 4: “New York sent cholera to…Baltimore, Aug. 4^th, although a cholera ship with 19 deaths had arrived previously at the latter place, of which no cognizance was taken by the health authorities……” (Peters 1885, p. 24.)

Aug ~7: “A few days after this death [4^th], we were requested by Dr. Roberts to see a white boy affected with some peculiarity of symptoms, having severe vomiting and purging. He had eaten to excess of green corn and other vegetables the day before we saw him. The attack was in the night, and the doctor did not see him till morning, when he was greatly prostrated. We saw him in the forenoon, and found him greatly prostrated; he was cold, and almost pulseless, the skin shriveled, and there was a singular haggard appearance in the face – a strange blending of the features of youth and the contractions of old age. Death closed the scene.

Aug 9: “On the 9^th of August, the Mayor called a meeting of the physicians of the city, which was well attended. Nothing of much importance grew out of the meeting. It was found that but few of the physicians had seen any cases having the aspect of cholera in its intense stage; diarrhoea was common. Several of the physicians present were decidedly opposed to any acknowledgment of anything like a cholera epidemic in the city. Indeed, an attempt was made to pass a resolution, declaring that cholera did not exist in our city. This measure was opposed by the consulting physician, who assured his brethren that he had seen cases of cholera at hospital No. 1. The first patient died. He asserted that this case presented symptoms which he had never seen in a practice of upwards of thirty years. He urged that he had seen cases whose aspect was new to him, and preceded as they were by, and associated with cholerine, prevailing in the city, there could no longer be any hope of escaping the epidemic, which was then making inroads through our country. The meeting, by a small majority, decided that the cholera did exist to some extent in the city.

Aug 13-onward: “On the 13^th of August, twelve deaths from cholera were reported by the Board of Health. On the 20^th, fifty-five cases had occurred. August 10^th, the Mayor appointed, agreeably to an ordinance previously enacted, an apothecary in each ward, by whom medicine was to be furnished to the ward physicians, and these physicians were not set to business. They did their duty well; but vigilance and zealous devotion to the sick was not confine to the appointees, but many of our physicians of the city deserved the praise and thanks of the citizens, for their philanthropic devotion to the sufferings of the poor. We had nearly one hundred physicians in Baltimore, and although a few had the disease, but one of them died – what a stumbling-block to contagionists!

“It was the duty of the ward physicians to attend all those who were unable to pay physicians, or unwilling to go to an hospital. A very large class of people, in time of an epidemic, become more or less panic-struck; a great many came under this dispensary rule, and, no doubt, very many lives were thus saved. Many of the decent poor were not willing to be removed, and many would rather have perished at home, than leave it to go to an hospital. And, indeed, a very great number of cases occurred where life would have been lost by the delay of going to an hospital, to say nothing of the fatigue of removal. In a word, this dispensary establishment was eminently beneficial to the sick, and in view of expense, the saving was immense.

“There died of epidemic cholera in Baltimore, in 1832, 853 persons (out of a population of 160,000). A very great majority of those who died were of the most worthless: But a few of our respectable citizens fell victims to this scourge of humanity….” (Jameson, H. G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, pp. 109-110.)

Aug 23-30: “In Baltimore the deaths by cholera from the 23d to the 30^th ult, inclusive, were 99. The disease does not excite any alarm, and indeed there is no perceptible change in the pursuits of the inhabitants. The “Patriot” says: We have looked with some attention, in our walks, but observed no shops or warehouses closed. Dwelling houses are many of them always shut at this season, from the absence of the residents, but the number of such is not increased since the ascertained prevalence of the cholera. From conversation with a great number of physicians, we learn that the disease is almost exclusively confined to the imprudent and the intemperate.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 2.)

Aug 30: “Among the deaths in Baltimore, that of Mary Frances, one of the ‘Sisters of Charity,’ at the hospital, No. 3, on the 30^th ult. Caused a lively sensation. She was one of these ‘ministering angels’ who had volunteered their services, under a lofty sense of duty to God and man, to nurse the sick and comfort the dying. In the morning of the 30^th, at 7 o’clock she was on duty, peaceful and serene – she sickened at 8, and at 7 in the evening meekly departed. Her remains were attended to the grave by the mayor and members of the board of health, and other officers of the corporation, who had timely notice of the melancholy event.

“The cholera we are happy to learn has nearly ceased at the Baltimore county alms house – but its ravages have been terrible. On the breakout out of the disease the inmates were about 500 – of these 475 had been intemperate and dissolute persons: the deaths were one hundred and twenty-five. Here is, indeed, an awful lesson. Not one of the head-persons or attendants at the scene of death, contracted the disease.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, p. 24.)

Sep 1: “Three persons have died of malignant cholera at the Alms House, situated about two miles from Frederick – But the city is perfectly free from the disease.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 2.)

Sep 1: “Many of the deaths that take place in Baltimore are still directly traced to eating water-melons and other poisonous things. In some instances they seem as certainly to kill as ratsbane would do.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V. 43, 9-1-1832, p. 5.)

Sep 10-15 report: “Maryland. – At Snowhill – many cases on the line of the canal near Hagerstown – from 10 to 15 of the laborers, chiefly Irish, have died daily; Frederick, Cambridge, Easton, Wye, and some in Harford, Cecil, and Queen Anne’s counties, chiefly persons of color…

“Baltimore….Health office, Baltimore Sept. 10, 1832….Report of interments in the city of Baltimore for the last week, ending this morning,…cholera 226; cholera infantum 22….—Total 332….David Harris, sec’y.

“The daily reports for the week showed 207 deaths by the cholera—or 19 less than the true amount for the week [not counting 22 “cholera infantum” deaths]. The mortality was awful last week. Among persons of color the disease appears exceedingly fatal. These make up less than a fourth part of our population, and yet pretty nearly one half of the deaths which occur are of people of color. In general they are less cautions than white persons, and less carefully and efficiently attended.

“Frederick. There were 7 cases of cholera and 3 deaths in this city, for the week ending on the 11^th – 2 foreigners and 1 citizen – Jacob Steiner, esq. a venerable and worthy man.” (Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD . “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, pp. 44-45.)

Sep 12 report, Boonsboro: “Boonsboro, Sept. 12, 1832. We have the Cholera here, though as yet but one death has occurred; but in Sharpsburg,[154] a small village six miles distant, near the canal, it is very prevalent and very fatal. The contractors are dismissing their hands in hundreds, and flying themselves. Some of the foreigners (not the Germans), show no pity to their comrades, but forsake them on the road the moment they are taken, and leave their dead bodies unburied. You have no idea how completely unprovided these country towns are for the entrance of such a visitor: not even a hut provided to receive the sick, and no accommodations, not even beds, can be procured. So great is the panic…[not] a man beside the physician will enter the doors. It was the third day before I could get even a straw bed for one of the poor wretches who were taken here. They are German emigrants, who know not a word of English, and have not sixpence in their pocket. I congratulate you and my fellow citizens on Mr. Stone’s generosity, and on the possession of so suitable and excellent a building for a public hospital: the other must have been a nuisance.” (Frederick Herald, MD. [Cholera at Boonsboro, Sharpsburg, MD]. 9-22-1832, 2.)

Sep 18-24, Baltimore: “Baltimore. The official account of interments for the week ending on Monday 24^th inst. gave 116 – of which number 39 were colored persons. Diseases 40 of cholera, 12 consumption, 11 cholera infantum, 8 infantile, 7 bilious fever, &c. 24 were under 2 years old – 70 above 21.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.)

Sep 19, Frederick: “A supplement to the ordinance, entitled, ‘An ordinance more effectually to promote and preserve the health of Frederick.’

Be it enacted and ordained, by the Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council, of Frederick, that the Mayor be and he is hereby authorized and requested to furnish and provide ne or more comfortable rooms, for the reception and accommodation of all indigent persons in the town of Frederick, who may be attacked with Cholera, and to provide suitable conveyances for the removal of the same, to appoint one or more persons to superintend said removals, and to adopt all such measures and regulations, as he may deem expedient for the comfort, convenience and support of the sick aforesaid.

And be it enacted and ordained, by the authority aforesaid, that the Mayor be and he is hereby authorized and empowered to employ one or more skilful physicians and nurses, to take charge of the rooms aforesaid, and that the said Physicians shall receive as a compensation for their services the sum of two dollars per diem, and the said nurses, the sum of one dollar per diem, so long as they shall be employed in the charge of the rooms aforesaid.

And be it enacted and ordained by the authority aforesaid, that the Mayor be and he is hereby authorized and requested forthwith to adopt measures to prevent the introduction and spread of the Cholera in the town of Frederick by prohibiting the ingress into said town, of all persons, sick with the Cholera, or having the premonitory symptoms thereof, and to adopt such regulations as in his opinion will be most likely to contribute to and preserve the health of said town.

And be it enacted and ordained, that the sum of 250 dollars, be and hereby is appropriated and placed at the disposal of the Mayor, to carry into effect the provisions of this ordinance, and that he be authorized to draw upon the Register for the same or so much thereof as may be necessary for the purposes aforesaid.

Bantz, P.B.A.

Philip Rohr, Pres’d pro. Tem. C.C.

Thomas Carlton, Mayor

Sept. 19.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “Health Ordinance.” 9-22-1832, p. 2.)

Sep 22, Frederick: “Frederick. The ‘Herald’ of Saturday last [Sep 22] says that, in all, only six deaths had happened in that city of the cholera – 2 citizens, 3 white foreigners and 1 person of color, and adds – the cases can all be traced to imprudence, and there is as little alarm among our citizens as if the disease was a thousand miles off – at least among those who are prudent.

Cholera Deaths in Baltimore

Sep 22. 2

Sep 23 6

Sep 24 4

Sep 25 6

Sep 26 3

Sep 27 2

Sep 28 1 (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of…Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, 71.)

Sep 26, Baltimore: “At a public meeting held at the exchange on the 26^th inst. the following address was adopted, and signed by a large number of the most respectable citizens of Baltimore, merchants and others:

The merchants of Baltimore, believing that very erroneous opinions have been made to prevail abroad in reference to the present health of the city, — and in answer to numerous inquiries, have great pleasure in announcing that there does not, in their judgment, exist any further cause for hesitation in visiting them, on account of the late prevailing epidemic. They have just grounds for confidently believing that the afflicting disease, the presence of which they, in common with the inhabitants of other cities have had to deplore, has ceased to exist – or only lingers feebly in such remote and unfrequented places, and with such circumstances, as to give no possible ground for apprehension. They are therefore happy, in stating the restored health of the city, to invite their friends to visit them as usual, with the assurance that they may do so with entire safety.

(Sep 23-29. Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.)

Sep 26, Frederick: “Frederick, September 26. The annexed report of the board of health for the last week, shows a considerable increase in the ravages of the disease. We deem it proper to state as warning to our fellow citizens, that in every fatal case, it has been ascertained that the patient had neglected, for several days previous to the attack, the premonitory symptoms – diarrhoea.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.)

“There were 21 deaths in Frederick, Md. In the week ending on the 26^th inst. – 15 citizens and 6 foreigners – of whom 9 were colored.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “The Cholera.” 10-2-1832, p. 3.)

Sep 26-Oct 3, Frederick: “Frederick, Tuesday October 2^nd, 1832. 17 deaths have occurred the last week, from Tuesday September 25, to this date – of which 13 were citizens – 10 white, 3 colored; and 4 foreigners. Total 17. Levis Medtart, Secretary.

“Since Tuesday last [Oct 3] two deaths have been reported by cholera.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “Report of the Board of Health.” 10-6-1832, p. 2.)

Sep 27, Baltimore: “Health office, Baltimore, September 27^th, 1832.

The proceedings of the merchants of Baltimore, which took place yesterday, having been submitted to the board of health this morning, and by them to the consulting physician, the accompanying communication which was received from him, is fully concurred in by the board. By order, David Harris, sec’y.

Baltimore, September 27^th, 1832.

Gentlemen – I have examined the paper submitted t me this morning, by your board, to whom it had been submitted by the merchants of this city. I fully concur in the propriety of the measure, which is founded in truth. I would beg leave, however, to add, that there has been no disease communicable by contagion during the present season.

Any risk which might have grown out of a supposed greater concentration of the epidemic air which exists throughout the country at present, has now lost that character; and I feel no hesitation in saying that cholera no longer exists as an epidemic in our city. Very respectfully, Horatio G. Jameson, consulting physician.

(Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, p. 71.)

Sep 28, Hagerstown: “Seems decreasing in Maryland, there have been a few cases in Hagerstown chiefly among travelers, a few of our Citizens have fallen victims, but we trust the Destroying Angel will soon pass away. And our citizens generally and the Board of Health seem determined to do all in their power to mitigate the disease, and to aid the diseased in every possible way.” (The Mail, Hagerstown MD. “Cholera.” 9-28-1932, p. 2.)

Sep 29, Baltimore: “Baltimore board of health, Sept. 29. The board of health again earnestly request their fellow citizens to refrain from the use of fruits and vegetables. If this request should be strictly complied with, the board are confidently of the opinion, that they would, in a very few days, be able to announce the pleasing intelligence of the total disappearance of cholera from our city. By order, David Harris, secretary.” (Niles Weekly Register (Baltimore). “Progress of the Cholera,” Vol. 7, Oct 6, 1832, p. 84.)

Sep 29 report, Western Shore: “Maryland – generally. A considerable number of deaths by cholera have happened in some of the lower counties of the Western Shore of this state; chiefly of colored persons. In Charles county, on certain estates, it is dreadful. On one farm on which the whole number of persons did not exceed eleven, the deaths were eight – chiefly blacks. A letter to the editors of the ‘National Intelligencer’ says – ‘the cholera rages here with great violence, and is fatal in every case. No premonitory symptoms admonish its approach. Pains, cramps, vomiting, collapse and death in a few hours, are its characteristics.’ The location of the writer of this letter is on the eastern bank of the Potomac, about twenty miles below Washington.

“A few cases have happened since our last in some of the towns of the western counties of Maryland. The disease was subsiding on the line of the canal.”

Sep 30, Frederick: “On Sunday last [Sep 30] of Cholera, Mrs. Mary Ann Walling, late of Philadelphia, wife of Mr. Henry Walling, aged 23 years.

Oct 1: Frederick: “On Monday last [Oct 1], of the prevailing epidemic, Mr. John H. Abbott [unclear], of this city.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “Obituary notices.” 10-6-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 2 report, Frederick, Hagerstown, Boonsboro: “In Frederick, we have been informed, there have been upwards of 130 deaths since it broke out. It still continues there – but somewhat moderated. Almost every case, it is said, was attributable to neglect of premonitory symptoms, and imprudence in eating or drinking.

“In Hagers-Town, there have been five deaths by cholera. A slight but general affection of the stomach and bowels prevails there. No case had occurred from Saturday until Thursday last [Sep 27].” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “The Cholera.” 10-2-1832, p. 3, col. 1.)

“We learn that the Cholera is decreasing along the line of the Canal, and in the neighborhoods of Boonsboro, Sharpsburg, and Williams Port, in which places we understand there has not been a single death within the past week. Nor has there been as far as our information extends, any deaths of cholera, in the county, remote from the canal, except in the neighborhood of Leitersburg, where one death occurred, a man named John Danner, who had buried his wife in Williams Port on Saturday 15th inst. from which place he removed on Monday 17th. — He was taken ill about 5 o’clock on the morning of Saturday 22d, and died at 2 o’clock same day. having had the premonitory symptoms the day preceding his death. Danner has left seven children, the eldest eleven years old, the youngest ten months – all of whom are comfortably provided for in the families of the neighbors – and all doing well except the two youngest, who are indisposed, but who will probably recover. Hagerstown Torch Light.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. [Cholera] 10-2-1832, p. 3, col. 2.)

Oct 7-14, Hagerstown: “Deaths by Cholera. In this town on Sunday night last [Oct 7], of the prevailing epidemic, John McIlhenny [unclear], Esq. one of our most respectable citizens. On the same night, Mr. William Moffett, merchant of this town. On the same evening, at an advanced age, Mr. John Miller, merchant of this town.

“On Monday morning last [Oct 8], Mr. John M’Laughlin, a very exemplary young man.

“On Friday last [Oct 12], William Taitch, an apprentice to the cabinet making business, from Martinsburg.

“On Sunday last [Oct 14], Mrs. Snider, consort of the late Daniel Snider, deceased. On the same day, Master John Schleigh, in the 3d year of his age, son of Mr. John Schleigh, of this place.” (The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “Deaths by Cholera.” 10-19-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 12-19, Hagerstown: “The fell destroyer has again made its appearance in our village with tenfold virulence. The past week has indeed been to the citizens of the place one of serious and solemn warning. Since this day week seventeen persons, seven whites and ten blacks have fallen victims to the insatiate archer; on the list is registered several of our most estimable citizens, and one of the number the Editor of this paper. On Monday he followed to the grave the remains of one of his household, and on the Thursday morning following, after a very few hours sickness his bereaved family were called on to pay the same sad ritual to him…

“In this season of affliction our citizens have most nobly stepped forward and lent their aid for the relief of the suffering, and have made more than an atonement for any error of selfishness that they may theretofore have committed.

“The disease seems now to have spent its force, and we do hope that in a few days our citizens will be relieved from the ravages of the pestilence, and like reeds that have bent to the Syroc’s blast [?] return to their wonted freshness, with strength sufficient, to thank an all merciful Providence for his virtuous decrees and many kindnesses.” (The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. “The Cholera.” 10-19-1832, p. 2.)

Oct 18, Hagerstown: “It becomes our melancholy duty, today, to announce the death of the Editor of this paper, Thomas Kennedy, Esq. He expired at 3 o’clock on Thursday morning [Oct 18], in the 56^th year of his age, after a few hours illness, of Cholera.” (The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. [Obituary] 10-19-1832, p. 2.)

Oct 20 report, Frederick: “We congratulate our citizens upon the disappearance of the cholera in this city as an epidemic disease, and rejoice at the return of business to its accustomed channels. The situation of many of our merchants and traders has been rendered very embarrassing by the exaggerated reports which have been circulated throughout the county, and a greater pressure in money matters has been felt than for a long time past. We hope to see our streets enlivened, as they usually are at this season of the year, by the happy faces of our country friends – for we are assured that no danger is to be apprehended unless they indulge in fruit, &c.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 10-20-1832, p. 2.)

Oct 20 report, Hagerstown: “Hagerstown – many fatal cases have recently happened.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, p. 118.)

Oct 23, Baltimore: “Deaths by the cholera in Baltimore for the week ending October 23 – 25; the chief part of which, no doubt, were caused by imprudent acts; for, though the disease has ceased as an epidemic in this city, individual cases will happen through indiscretions, until by frost, or from some other cause, a change in the systems of persons shall be brought about – and no longer predispose them to receive the malady. Whole number of deaths in the week 82.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.)

Oct 27 report, Baltimore: “A few cases of cholera still happen amongst us. The penalty of indiscretion must be paid! But the disease has ceased to be an epidemic, and no sort of alarm prevails on account of it.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. V43, 10-27-1832, p. 129.)

Oct 27 report, Hagerstown: “At Hagerstown the cholera has been awful, and a good many among the most valued and respected citizens of that place have died, some of whom left large families behind them: 17 deaths took place in 5 days – some after 6 or 8 hours illness. There had also been several more deaths along the line of the canal. The poor laborers have suffered severely.

“This mysterious disease, however, seemed to be subsiding as rapidly as it advanced. The people met it with considerable firmness, and the sick were much better attended to than on the former visit of the cholera.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.)

Oct 30, Baltimore: “Baltimore. Total number of deaths in this city for the week ending October 30 – 62; of which 10 were of cholera.

Nov 3 report, Denton, Hagerstown: “One fatal case has happened at Denton, Maryland.”

“Hagerstown. Some additional deaths by cholera have happened subsequent to the period of our last notice.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-3-1832, p. 148.)

Nov 7 report, Hagerstown: “Hagerstown, Nov. 7. There has been but one case of Cholera since our last publication. A man named Yearly, who we are informed is from Martinsburg, Va. [WV today] a blacksmith by trade, came to this place on Sunday and stopped at the tavern of Mr. D. H. Leckron, where he was taken sick. He was removed to the Hospital on Monday, and is now receiving all the attention which his case requires. – Free Press.” (Star and Republican Banner, Gettysburg, PA. “The Cholera.” 11-13-1832, p. 1.)

Nov 10 report, Baltimore and Hagerstown: “The cholera lingers at New York and Baltimore, and some fatal cases happen in both cities. Hagerstown. During the week ending on the 1^st inst. [Nov] there was only one death by cholera, in this place.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.)

“Nov 24 report, Baltimore: “Baltimore is very healthy. Whole number of deaths last week only 34 – of whom 9 were colored persons. One death was by cholera.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p. 201.)

Massachusetts

“New York sent cholera to…Boston by July 30^th…” (Peters 1885, p. 24)

Niles, Sep 15: “Boston. The fifth case of cholera has occurred at Boston. It was a woman discovered drunk in the street, and taken to the watch house; where she was found in the morning diseased. She was taken to the hospital and died the same day. And a sixth case has since appeared in a young man of good habits.” (Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.)

Niles, Sep 15: “Since our last publication [Sep 9] we have received accounts of cases of cholera at the places named below….Massachusetts. At Southbridge.” (Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.)

Sep 11: “Boston. On the 11^th it was officially announced that five cases of cholera had appeared in Boston in the preceding 26 hours, and 1 case at Charlestown. Another fatal case was reported on the 11^th – a woman of intemperate habits, and one case on the 15^th. No cases reported since the latest date above given – Boston is in a very healthy state.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-22-1832, p. 52.)

Nov 3 report: “Boston. Six or eight cases of cholera were reported in this city on the 22d ult. And there were 8 deaths by the disease on the 23d.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-3-1832, p. 148.)

Michigan

July 6: “Two persons who had been employed to communicate with the Henry Clay, were attacked with cholera at Detroit, Michigan Territory. Afterwards several cases occurred at that place among residents and others; in all about 60 cases, and 30 deaths.” (Beck 1832, p. 353.)

“…the disease at Detroit…it is certain that previous to the arrival of the ‘Henry Clay,’ there had been no cases of spasmodic cholera there. On the 6^th of July, two persons from Detroit, who had been employed to communicate with this boat, were attacked with cholera, and after that several cases occurred at that Place: in all, according to the most authentic accounts, 60, of which 30 proved fatal.” (Beck 1832, p. 366.)

Cholera “reached Detroit early in July” via steamboats from Canada. (Peters 1885, p. 17.)

Jul 25: “The Detroit Journal of July 25^th says that the cholera has entirely abated in that city, and that business has resumed its usual activity.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, 3.)

Mississippi:

“Natchez, August 2, 1832. We have had some sickness, and a few deaths. We have had the genuine Asiatic Cholera among our blacks; at least we have had many cases attended with violent spasms; and all the other symptoms of the Asiatic. I have had on one of my places 49 cases out of 69 souls, some of them very violent. They all yielded readily to a large dose of calomel in a pill (twenty grains), with two tea-spoons of paregoric, immediately after the pain appeared, and the application of a poultice of peach leaves (made by stewing the leaves in whiskey in a close vessel, over a slow fire, and spread think on flannel) over the whole abdomen, as warm as it could be bourne, and renewed when it became cool. I have heard of, I think, as many as 700 cases, and only 5 or 6 deaths.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 9-18-1832, p. 5.)

“Mississippi. The cholera made its appearance at Natchez on the 23^rd ult. And several had died of it. Number of fatal cases have occurred at Vicksburg.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress… Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p. 201.)

“From the 25^th Oct to the 1^st Nov. inclusive, there were seven deaths at Vicksburg. Whole number of cases up to last date 30 – deaths 16, 10 whites, 6 blacks.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

Missouri

Fort Gratiot – July 1832:

Quaife: “The ravages among the men of the detachment of Colonel Twiggs which was landed at Fort Gratiot were so awful as to banish discipline to the winds. Those of the command who were not stricken dispersed in every direction. Many, stricken later, died in the woods or along the roadway, the terrified inhabitants refusing them shelter or assistance. According to a letter from an officer of the Second Infantry, dated July 11, of Twiggs’ three hundred and seventy men, twenty or thirty had died and about two hundred had deserted. From another contemporary newspaper report it appears that the detachment consisted of both infantry and artillery, and that the great majority of desertions occurred in the former branch of the service. Of two hundred and eight recruits, thirty had died and one hundred and fifty-five had deserted; while of one hundred and fifty-two artillerymen, twenty-six had died and but twenty had deserted.” (Quaife. Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835. 1913, pp. 329-330.)

Oct 20 report: “St. Louis. A few cases have appeared in St. Louis.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, p. 117.)

Oct 21 report: “St. Louis…Oct. 21. We had hoped to be able to furnish a complete report of the number of cases and deaths which have occurred since our last publication, but we find it impracticable. The physicians, whose duty it is to report daily, cannot obtain time from their professional duties to attend to this requisition. All of them are unremittingly engaged in the discharge of their cheerless labor. The whole number of cases reported since the 9^th inst. up to last evening is 93; of which 33 have terminated fatally. We know that this statement is very imperfect, and that it falls short of the actual number. The disease is on the increase, though we think it is yielding somewhat of its malignancy. Since Friday, a great quantity of rain has fallen, and the uncomfortable aspect of the weather may have tended to enlarge the number of cases. With some exceptions, the mortality is confined to persons of intemperate habits and people of color. Several physicians have been attacked, but they are recovering. Rep.” (Sandusky Clarion, OH. “The Cholera.” 11-21-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 26 report: “Extract of a letter from St. Louis, dated 26^th ultimo [Oct].

‘The Cholera has raged here. It was first generally admitted to be among us at the beginning of last week, but did not show itself in its terror until about Saturday or Sunday last (the 21st ult.) — It was at its height on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday night. I have no means of ascertaining the number of cases or of deaths, but suppose that there may have been, since Friday (the 19th) a hundred deaths, and twice as many decided cases — Wednesday, Thursday and Friday night, there were but few oases, and but few deaths. I believe that the disease has spent its fury.’

“The above is in a population not exceeding six thousand.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “Progress of the Cholera.” 11-13-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 27 report: “Missouri. Three or four fatal cases have recently taken place at St. Louis.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.)

Nov 3 report: “St. Louis. A number of fatal cases of cholera have happened in this city, among the slaves.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-3-1832, p. 149.)

“We have pleasant accounts from St. Louis. The cholera was rapidly disappearing. It had raged dreadfully in this city. For several days, the deaths were 20 per day, in a population of about 6,000.” (Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p. 201.)

“The St. Louis Republican of the 13^th ult. [Nov] announced that ‘the cholera had entirely disappeared in that city,’ though ‘occasional cases might yet happen, because of the imprudence of individuals.’ Some had occurred at Herculaneum, Ste. Genevieve, &c.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, p. 226.)

New Jersey

July 7: “New York sent cholera to…Newark, New Jersey, by July 7^th…” (Peters 1885, p. 24.)

July 8: “A case at Kingston, Ulster county [NY], and about the same time at Newark, N.J. and Williamsburgh, N.J.; the patients being persons recently arrived from New-York.” (Beck, Lewis C. (M.D.). “Report on Cholera, made to his Excellency Governor Throop, August, 1832.” Pp. 348-354, Transactions of the Medical Society of the State of New-York (V. I., 1832-1833). 1833.)

July 8 – Oct 14, 1832, Paterson, NJ [155]

From report of Paterson town meeting held on August 31, 1832:

The Town Committee in advance of the fatal epidemic which has for some time past prevail’d in the Town, and which still continues its ravages to an alarming extent called a meeting of the Township for the purpose of raising funds for cleansing the streets &c from impurities as would tend to augment its violence & spread its destructive power. The sum authorized to be raised was Three Hundred dollars which has been expended, together with an additional sum for purposes connected with the Calamity which has befallen us and which are detailed in the subjoined Statement,:-

The Town Committee aware of the serious responsibility resting on them in the present emergency, formed themselves into a Board of Health, and invited several of our respectable citizens to cooperate with them in their duties, and are happy to announce not only their acceptance of the unpleasant office, but a most faithful discharge of the duties incident thereto without a fee or reward – It immediately became apparent to them that the funds rais’d by the Town were altogether inadequate to meet the expenses which are Consequent upon the disease. A Hospital for the sick has been built, good nurses provided, persons employ’d to bury the dead &c &c. The destitute & distress’d are becoming so numerous that the Poor House is insufficient to contain them, so that supplies have to be furnish’d them at their own dwellings. An increas’d sum, to be rais’d by the Town, has therefore, become absolutely necessary. The amount which will be requisite they are unable to state, as the duration of the devastating influence of the Cholera is uncertain; but would respectfully recommend to their Fellow Citizens to give power to the Town Committee to raise such an amount as they with the Concurrence of the Board of Health may deem proper. The Board would further most earnestly recommend, that a liberal per diem allowance by made to Nicholas Smith Esq for his services, which are by the Board deem’d invaluable, and which they think must be obvious to all – He has relinquish’d the business of his Office, as his services are in constant requisition for the purpose of attending to duties which are paramount to all others – visiting the sick, relieving the distress’d & burying the dead. (Zalenski, 2000.)

Aug 1-7. “Princeton, N.J. August 1. – There are now four decided cases of Cholera existing in the heart of this town. A large portion of the students in college have left, and others on the eve of going, in consequence of the alarm which exists here. P.S. Since the above, two of the cases have died.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.)

Aug, by 7^th: “Paterson. (N.J.) – The magistrates and town authorities of Paterson have published a notice, that under the authority vested in them by the laws of New Jersey, they prohibit for the present all persons from lodging in the town. Two cases of cholera have occurred there, according to their statement.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.)

“A respectable gentleman near Princeton, N.J. being attacked with the cholera, and in collapsed state, insisted upon, and was married to a young lady, to whom he had long been engaged, that she might inherit his property, after which he died….

“A number of young ladies of Trenton have associated themselves for the purpose of ministering to such as may be sick of the cholera, and some of their number spend several hours each day, in attending at the hospital when there are patients there. Such an example of benevolence and sympathy towards the afflicted stranger, is worthy of unreserved praise and commendation. They shine with peculiar luster at this time, when instances are so frequent, in other places, of cholera patients being abandoned to their fate, with only such assistance as a physician, with an extensive practice, can occasionally find time to render. Would that the example of the ladies of Trenton might be extensively copied….

“It is mentioned in a Norfolk paper, that on the breaking out of the cholera at that place, the swallows and martins disappeared – they had returned, and are hailed with pleasure, as evidence of an improved state of the atmosphere – and the number of cases at Norfolk had been much diminished….” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 25.)

“There is no place where the cholera has proved more fatal, we believe, according to its population, than in the small village of New Bridge about three miles from Hackensack, N.J.[156] We are informed, by a gentleman who is well acquainted with that place and neighborhood, that eighteen persons – fifteen adults and three children, died out of three families, and nearly all of them had been imprudent in eating unripe fruit. One of he physicians, it is stated, refused to attend any patients, and the other was not called in most cases till the disease had progressed to an alarming crisis; so that no one recovered. The neighboring village of Hackensack, though much larger, has had very few cases of cholera. (Gazette).” (Frederick Herald, MD. “Great Mortality.” 10-20-1832, p. 1.)

New York State.

June 13: “Three persons died of cholera at Fort Miller, the first of whom is said to have sickened on the 13^th. They were emigrants who had left Quebec on the 8^th, and Montreal on the 9^th June. They were on board of a canal boat, and the whole party consisted of 35, all Welsh emigrants. – Dr. Asa Fitch.” (Beck 1832, p. 352.)

June 13: “On the same day, a case occurred at Plattsburgh. It was that of an emigrant who had left Montreal on the 8^th of June, and arrived at Plattsburgh on the 9^th. He had been much exposed to wet and cold, and had eaten voraciously shortly previous to the attack. Soon afterwards several other cases occurred among residents, who were not known to have had any communication with the first. Disease confined to a filthy part of the village, and to persons of irregular habits. – Dr. Kane.” (Beck 1832, p. 352.)

June 13-14: “From the Saint Lawrence the epidemic was carried into the State of New York. On June 13, an emigrant who had left Montreal on the 8^th, died of cholera in Plattsburg….

“June 13, An emigrant, recently from Montreal, died of cholera at Burlington, and on the 18^th a female, who was addicted to intemperance, died of the same disease; two other cases among residents are reported.

“June 14. A man who had been for two or three days in Montréal, where he had visited the cholera-hospitals, was taken with cholera on the steamboat Phoenix, on Lake Champlain, and died the nest day at White Hall.” [Etc.] ….” (McClellan “A History of the Travels of Asiatic Cholera…In North America,” 1875, p. 566.)

June 15: “A case at Whitehall, and another at Fort Ann, on the northern canal. The later had been on board the boat which contained Welsh emigrants, 3 of whom died at Fort Miller… — Drs. Everet and Porter.” (Beck 1832, p. 353.)

June 18: “An emigrant was attacked with cholera at Mechanicsville, and died after an illness of 18 hours. He had left Montreal on the 11^th of June, and died on the 16^th. – Dr. Tibbits. The same day an inhabitant of the village of Canadian French, in the vicinity of Ogdensburg, was attacked with the disease, and subsequently several cases occurred in various parts of the latter village. – Drs. Smith and Sherman.” (Beck 1832, p. 353.)

June 21: “An emigrant recently from Quebec was attacked with cholera at Rouse’s Point, on Lake Champlain, and died the second day. – Drs. Wood and Churchill.” (Beck 1832, p. 353.)

July 12: “A case at Schenectady. The individual had left Albany the day before.” (Beck 1832, p. 354)

July 17-Aug 6, Sing Sing: “First came in the Sing Sing prison. The patient was found in the morning in a state of collapse, and died during the day. He had previously had diarrhoea. On the 18^th, another case occurred, which also terminated fatally. On the 20^th four fatal cases. From that time the disease increased rapidly, and on the 6^th of August there had been 236, of which 72 terminated fatally. Since that time there have been several additional cases. The whole number of convicts in the prison at the time the cholera first made its appearance, was 939. From the 1^st to the 25^th of June, 25 prisoners were admitted into the prison, from different parts of the state, and only one since that date, viz. on the 20^th July. None of these had been the subjects of the disease. No person attached to the prison has been in any place where cholera has prevailed, nor have any of them been attacked with it. No case of cholera had occurred in the village before the disease appeared in the prison. But the latter part of July, a person of intemperate habits was attacked with it there and died. Complaints of the bowels were prevalent. – Dr. March.” (Beck 1832, p. 355.)

July 22: “On this or the next day, the disease broke out on board the canal boat ‘Western Barge,’ at Frankfort, eight miles east of Utica. This boat left Albany on the 20^th July, with fifty-six passengers, being English, Irish and Swiss emigrants. The first person attacked was the captain, who died after a short illness. The boat continued on, and when it arrived at Rochester, several others had died. Nine fatal cases in all.” (Beck. “Report on Cholera, made to his Excellency…” 1832, p. 356.)

July 24: “Cases occurred in the alms-house at Johnstown, Montgomery county, and on the adjoining farm.” (Beck. “Report on Cholera, made to his Excellency…” 1832, 356.)

“…the disease has generally passed from place to place along the main channels of communication. Wherever it has prevailed to any extent, the infected city or village appears to become a centre from which the disease is communicated to different places in the vicinity. Thus from Montreal and Quebec, as centres, it gradually spread into various parts of Canada, following the course of emigration. Cases also appeared on the line of our Northern canal, and at different points on Lake Champlain. In most of the villages on the Canadian side of the St. Lawrence and of Lake Ontario where the tide of emigration has been uninterrupted, the cholera has occurred; while on the American side, where, since the breaking out of the disease at Montreal, all communication with the Canadas has been stopped, not a case has been reported except at Ogdensburg, and one or two points on the St. Lawrence, where the intercourse could not be so completely interrupted.

“Again, when the disease was once located at Albany, boatmen and others leaving the city were attacked in various places, both on the line of the canal and elsewhere; and it appeared to radiate from this as a centre. The same fact has also been observed at New-York, from which by travel the disease has been communicated to cities and villages in the vicinity, and even at some distance….” (Beck. “Report on Cholera, made to his Excellency…” 1832, p. 356.)

Late July: “…the boat ‘Columbia’ left Albany the latter part of July, with 50 or 60 emigrants. On her way to the west, the cholera broke out among them, and before the arrival of the boat at Syracuse, five or six persons were said to have died of the disease…” (Beck 1832, p. 360.)

Sep 8 report: “The adjutant general of the state of New York has issued orders; that because of the prevalence of the cholera in many places, the commander in chief directs that the meetings and exercises of the militia during the present year shall be dispensed with, excepting so far as they may be absolutely necessary to fulfill the positive requirements of the law.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.)

“It is very certain that large and close gatherings of persons are highly favorable to the progress of the cholera. The following are strong cases in point: — In the Bellevue alms house, New York, containing, at the time the cholera made its appearance among us, about 1,659 inmates, there have been 300 deaths; which is in the proportion of 1 to 5¼ of the whole population.

“In the Sing-Sing state prison, containing a while ago about 882 inmates, there have been 100 deaths; or rather more than 1 in 9 of the whole population.

“At the county poor house in Poughkeepsie, containing at the commencement of the disease, about 220 inmates, 71, or nearly one-third of the whole number have died….” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, p. 24.)

Albany, NY — July 3 – Sep 15

July 3: “There was a race of cholera from Canada and New York City to Albany, which it reached July 3d and finally caused 1,104 cases.” (Peters. “General History of the Disease and the Principal Epidemics up to 1885,” Section I in Wendt, 1885, p. 17.)

July 3: “John Bradford, aged 22, the first case of death by cholera.” (Reynolds 1906, p. 491.)

July 10: “David Tinker, despite temperate habits, aged 30, dies of cholera,” (Reynolds p. 491.)

July 13: “Board of health reports 28 new cases and 7 deaths.” (Reynolds 1906, p. 491.)

July 16-31: “Cholera continues to rage, on 16th, 29 new cases and 7 deaths ; on 17th, 23 new cases and 8 deaths ; on 18th, 21 new cases and 5 deaths; on 19th, 20 new cases and 6 deaths ; on 20th, 22 new cases and 7 deaths; on 21st, 40 new cases and 11 deaths ; on 22nd, 19 new cases and 14 deaths ; on 23rd, 27 new cases and 5 deaths ; on 24th, 19 new cases and 10 deaths ; on 25th, 27 new cases and 7 deaths ; on 26th, 32 new cases and 7 deaths ; on 27th, 40 new cases and 13 deaths; on 28th, 28 new cases and 18 deaths, being the greatest in one day ; on 29th, 35 new cases and 17 deaths ; on 30th, 26 new cases and to deaths; on 31st, 29 new cases and 6 deaths ; total, 387 cases of cholera and 136 deaths during (28 days) July, in a population of about 26,000.” (Reynolds 1906, pp. 491-492.)

August: Cholera having been almost as severe in August as during July, the situation had become even more distressing; cases in this month numbering 525 and the deaths 193, making a total for the two summer months alone, 1,147 cases and 401 deaths, average of one-third of the cases proving fatal.” (Reynolds 1906, 492)

Sep 8: “Albany. The disease has nearly disappeared in this city – and its inhabitants were returning to their homes.” (Niles Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 23)

Sep 15: “Cholera plague over, the last death on this day, Sept. 15.” (Reynolds 1906, p. 492.)

Buffalo, NY:

June 16: “The City Board of Aldermen early organized a Board of Health; and the first bulletin of that Board was issued on June 16th. The members were Ebenezer Johnson, mayor; Roswell Willson Haskins, Lewis F. Allen and William Ketchum, Joseph Clary substituting for Mr. Ketchum a little later.” (Powell, Stephen R. “The Cholera Epidemic of 1832.” The Buffalonian.)

July 4: “…the disease broke out on board the steam-boat Henry Clay, on Lake Erie, which left Buffalo on the 3d with 400 U.S. troops. This detachment left New-York on the 2d of June, and reached Albany on the 24^th, and immediately took their departure for the West.” (Beck 1832, p. 353.)

July 15: “The disease broke out at Buffalo, New-York. The first case was that of a laborer on the canal who had been engaged in rafting timber for three days previous, and was much exposed to the water, and intemperate in his habits. He had resided in Buffalo for some time. Up to the 30^th, no cases had occurred among the recent emigrants. Several persons, going from Buffalo to the adjoining towns, were subsequently attacked with cholera; and it prevailed to some extent among the Indians on the Reservation. – Board of Health, and Drs. Trowbridge, Marshal and Burwell.” (Beck 1832, p. 355.)

July 16: “The dreaded Asiatic cholera had been spreading over Europe in 1831, and while desperate efforts were made to keep it out of America, it was found to be in Quebec in the spring of 1832, having been carried it is thought by emigrants from Ireland. The scourge passed up the St. Lawrence, and by the time it reached Buffalo, the residents were so very apprehensive that it found receptive material, and the state in the young city soon became very serious. “It may be said that at the first visitation of the pestilence one-half of its victims were carried off by fear and fright,” wrote Samuel M. Welch. Further, he said:

“Buffalo was severely afflicted by this visitation. The treatment of the disease was mostly experimental, its nature not being understood; indeed the epidemic at times seemed to have full sway, without check. A man might be in apparent good health in the morning and in his grave the same night. Often people were taken away for burial in the night of the day of their death.

“The death carts would patrol the streets, and when there would seem an indication of a death in a house, the driver would shout: ‘Bring out your dead!’ Bodies were not permitted to remain unburied over an hour or two, if it were possible to obtain carriers, or a sexton to bury them.”

“Citizens were wont to wear a little bag of “gum camphor” hanging from the neck; and there were few who did not feel that life was dear as well as uncertain, at the time when the reported cases of cholera in Buffalo exceeded one hundred in a day….

“The first reported case of cholera in Buffalo was on July 16th, “an Irish laborer, an habitual drunkard,” being the victim. He died within eight hours -of being seized.” (Powell, “The Cholera Epidemic of 1832.” The Buffalonian.)

July 17: “Two cases and one death developed next day [July 17]; and thereafter the cases rapidly increased.” (Powell, “The Cholera Epidemic of 1832.” The Buffalonian.)

July 19: “A child was attacked with cholera at Lockport, Niagara county; next the father of the child, both fatal. A few cases were reported subsequently.” (Beck 1832, p. 356.)

July 26-27: “Buffalo. – A letter dated Buffalo, July 27…says there were 15 new cases of Cholera and four deaths, for the 24 hours ending on that day at 12 o’clock.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.)

Powell: “The Board of Health established a temporary hospital in a brick building then known as the McHose House, on Niagara street. John E. Marshall was city physician, and Loren Pierce was undertaker and sexton. It was an appalling visitation but official figures are far below those of Mr. Welch’s estimate quoted above; it seems that altogether, during the about two months of the presence of cholera in Buffalo, that cases totaled to only about 250, and the deaths to 120….

“The Board of Health labored heroically, not only directing remedial measures, but personally coming into contact with the disease-stricken people. Roswell Haskins the printer and bookseller, seemed to be the most heroic; he “exhibited undoubted heroism; traveled in haste about the city, attended to the removal of many cases to the hospital, and in some instances carried stricken persons on his own shoulders down the stairs of squalid tenements….

“A recurrence of the epidemic occurred in 1834; and one of the fatalities then was the mayor, Major A. Andrews. Another epidemic developed in 1849, and again in 1854; but the worst and most memorable was the first, that of 1832, when people knew not how to combat the scourge, but knew much of its virulence. Captain Augustus Walker, in vol. v, Publications of Buffalo Historical Society, writes of its dreaded appearance on Great Lakes ships; on one occasion cases developed among a company of soldiers being shipped from one lake station to another. Soon the disease became “so violent and alarming on board (the ‘Henry Clay’)” that “as soon as she came to the dock, each man sprang on shore, hoping to escape from a scene so terrifying and appalling; some fled to the fields, some to the woods, while others lay down in the streets and under the covert of the river banks, where most of them died, unwept and alone.” It was a terrible scourge.”[157] (Powell, “The Cholera Epidemic of 1832.” The Buffalonian.)

Mendon, NY

“From Dr. Ellwood…I have the following statement. A man who had attended some friends sick of Cholera at Rochester, went to Mendon, a small village 16 miles east of that place. He died of Cholera the following night: there had been no case of the disease there before this. Of six persons, who attended him during his sickness and buried him, not one escaped an attack, and four died within a week. There were afterward thirteen deaths by Cholera in a population of only 150 persons.” (Atkins. Reports of Hospital Physicians…in Relation to The Epidemic Cholera of 1832. 1832, p. 20.)

New York City, NY – Feb 2 – Dec, 1832:

NYC General:

Peters: “New York city should have been well prepared for the reception and proper management of cholera, but it committed almost every mistake of ignorance and prejudice, or worse, that has ever been promulgated. The diarrhoeal commencement of the disease was already well known, but it was assumed that the pestilence was in the air and not in the bodies and discharges of the sick. Because it was not directly and immediately contagious it was declared not to be even infectious. Although it was a specific and most peculiar disease, it was asserted that all its causes were only merely those of common diarrhoea, and ordinary cholera morbus.

“In the official report every fanciful notion was jumped at, and all the most patent facts overlooked. It was asserted that easterly and south-easterly winds had prevailed in Canada and brought the disease across the ocean. That influenza had prevailed in 1831 and foreshadowed cholera, especially as aged and weak people could not bear full doses of Tartar emetic. That scarlet fever was malignant and often attended with diarrhoea. That intermittent fevers were common in the lower parts of the city, and sometimes showed great prostration and even collapse, when they were of the congestive kind. That cholera morbus and dysentery occurred in the winter in unusual proportions and the air was evidently taking on an epidemic choleraic constitution. That on July 16^th vomiting, diarrhoea and cramps appeared among a tribe of Indians 100 leagues from the sea, when the true disease had been in the country for more than two months. That attempts to trace cholera to vessels at Quebec were not successful, although the first cases were among emigrants; this was attributed not to infection, but solely to the crowded and filthy condition of the emigrant houses; for did not the pestilence break n a low and uncleanly and ill-ventilated part of the city of Quebec, then crowded with large population of emigrants of the lowest description. The sickness on board the Carrick and other cholera vessels was declared to have been mainly ship-fever and small-pox; and although there had been some cholera on board these vessels, yet there had been no cases for thirty days previous to the arrival of some of them. In the first two weeks, (more correctly months) there had been 1,000 deaths, which excessively large number spared 1,000 where it attacked one. The conveyance by soiled clothing was overlooked.” (Peters. “General History of the Disease and the Principal Epidemics up to 1885,” Section I in Wendt, 1885, pp. 17-18.)

“Dr. Atkins [NYC Cholera Board] says:

“The disease was of an atmospheric character, caused by a general distemperature of the air, yet it was confined for the most part to a few portions of the city, so that there were definite and limited or localized neighborhoods, which were to a remarkable degree more sickly than others. Of these the Five Points, a resort of the vicious and dissolute, was most heavily visited. This was originally a swamp, and although filled in, must be low and damp,” and cholera hence was primarily malarious. The other parts of the city where the pestilence chiefly prevailed were low, dirty and unhealthy, with narrow streets and filthy dwellings, inhabited by the lowest and poorest people. Duane and Vestry streets escaped, and as I have lived in both of them, I know all about them; one of them has always had a nice little park, and the other was near the magnificent old St. John’s park….

“The dissolute and intemperate mostly were attacked, viz., drunkards and prostitutes. Still, very small irregularities in diet were sagely decided to be highly dangerous to the nicest people; thus everybody who took huckleberries, or even raspberries and milk; were decreed to be doomed to death. In one house in Madison street, a father and three children were all dead in twenty-four hours after eating raspberries. Although the disease was said not to have been imported, the low Irish suffered most, not because they received infection from emigrants, but because they were dirty, intemperate, and crowded together in the worst portions of the city.”

(Quoted in: Peters. “General History of the Disease and the Principal Epidemics up to 1885,” Section I in Wendt, 1885, pp. 20-21.)

Niles, Sep 8: “It is very certain that large and close gatherings of persons are highly favorable to the progress of the cholera. The following are strong cases in point: — In the Bellevue alms house, New York, containing, at the time the cholera made its appearance among us, about 1,650 inmates, there have been 300 deaths; which is in the proportion of 1 to 5 ½ of the whole population.

“In the Sing Sing state prison, containing a while ago about 882 inmates, there have been 100 deaths; or rather more than 1 in 9 of the whole population.

“At the county poor house in Poughkeepsie, containing at the commencement of the disease, about 220 inmates, 71, or nearly one-third of the whole number have died.” (Niles Weekly Register V43, “Progress of…Cholera,” 9-8-1832, p. 24.)

Rosenberg: “Like Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, New York was a city which faced Europe, and there was disquieting news from across the Atlantic. Cholera had broken out in England; a cordon sanitaire – enforced by heavily armed troops – had failed to halt the spread of the disease westward from Poland and Russia. Quarantine restrictions seemed to be of no avail, and as the summer of 1832 approached, it appeared more than likely that America, like Russia, France, and England, would be visited by this newest judgement. Only the Atlantic Ocean continued to protect the United States.

“This the first invasion of Europe by cholera, had not gone unnoticed in America. Throughout the fall and winter of 1831-32, newspapers, magazines, and pamphlets reported in alarming detail its westward spread. Most dismaying, because most dispassionate, were the reports of the French and English medical commissions sent to study the disease in Russia and Poland. American medical men turned to the treatises of Eat India Company physicians, familiar for decades with this pestilence new to the medical world of Europe, in hopes of finding some remedy. By July of 1832, it seemed questionable whether a single periodical had appeared in the past six months without ‘something on this all engrossing subject.’

“Private citizens were not alone in their concern. On September 6, 1831, the New York City Board of Health had resolved that three of the city’s most prominent physicians be requested to form a committee of correspondence to gather information. In January, Martin Van Buren, minister to the Court of St. James, began sending home reports of the epidemic which had just broken out in Sunderland….

“Collecting information could not alone prevent disease. Stringent quarantines were immediately invoked against Europe’s cholera-ridden ports. In the past, restrictions had been applied only during the summer months. But cholera, unlike yellow fever, seemed to show no preference for warm climates and quarantine regulations were maintained in America’s Atlantic ports throughout the winter of 1831-32. As early as September 17, 1831, Mayor Walter Bowne of New York announced that he had made arrangements for a special depot for quarantined goods…

“But Americans were not without consolation. Cholera did not attack all, nor did it seem to be an arbitrary imposition of God. It was subject to natural laws and acted through second causes, attacking only those who had somehow weakened or ‘predisposed’ themselves. Filth, misery, vice, and poverty conspired to produce its unfortunate victims. Few such could be found in a land enjoying those unique blessings granted the United States….Americans, as they readily acknowledged, were the best educated, the freest, and the most pious of people….The history of cholera seemed to demonstrate clearly that those countries with fewest Christians had been scourged most severely. America’s chastisement would certainly be light, the pious hopefully predicted, for fully one-half of the world’s evangelical Christians lived within her boundaries.

“It did not seem, moreover, that a nation predominately rural could be severely tried. Only in the densely populated cities of the Old World had cholera raged uncontrolled. Rural communities were assured that their pure atmosphere, uncrowded streets, and isolation guaranteed exemption from the disease. Even America’s great eastern cities seemed cleaner and their inhabitants of better character than their counterparts in Europe….

“Apprehensive New Yorkers took stock of their city and were not reassured by what they saw and smelled. New York was dirty, and dirt seemed to breed disease – not only cholera, but yellow fever, malaria, and every sort of pestilence. Boston and Philadelphia seemed immaculate country villages by comparison.

“The thousands of swine that roamed its streets were the city’s shame, but, nevertheless, its only efficient scavengers. The indifference of the Common Council to the problem of sanitation almost necessitated the lenience, if not affection, with which the pigs were treated. Ordinances to control them were passed from time to time, but never enforced. Respectable folk were continually exasperated by the sight of the beasts, some even threatening to shoot them on sight.

“Pigs, goats, and dogs did not provide the only street cleaning apparatus. Citizens were required by law to sweep in front of their houses on certain specified days. Dust and rubbish were to be gathered into a pile in the middle of the gutter from which place they were to be collected by the municipality. An item of Tammany graft or inefficiency, this collection was usually neglected; and appropriately, the decomposing mass of filth which adorned the middle of the streets was called ‘corporation pie’ (New Yorkers, it should be noted, ordinarily referred to their municipal government as the Corporation). In any case, most informed citizens agreed, the streets could never be cleaned properly unless an adequate supply of water was introduced into the city.

“Four decades of agitation for a municipal water system had failed to bring results.[158] Few travelers failed to comment on the poor quality of New York water….Most people were sensible enough not to drink it, except when forced by poverty or betrayed through inadvertence. Only the poor used the city pumps….

“Foreigners regarded dyspepsia[159] as America’s national malady, and an American dinner could easily be an unnerving experience….

“A New England physician remarked that not one in five of his patients bathed or washed their bodies in water once a year.[160] And this was the wholesome New England countryside. For the city poor, maintaining any kind of cleanliness was almost impossible. Most lived in tiny unventilated apartments, often with whole families – and perhaps a few boarders – occupying the same room, a condition deplored by physicians and moralists alike. The most miserable nd degraded lived in unfinished cellars, their walls a mat of slime, sewage, and moisture after every rain. Houses adjoined stables, abattoirs, and soap factories; their front yards were the meeting place of dogs, swine, chickens, and horses.

“Their city a seemingly foreordained stopping place for cholera, New Yorkers naturally questioned the powers which their municipal government would be able to call upon should there be an epidemic. The experience of the city in a series of yellow fever epidemics had provided the administrative framework of a public health organization. The temporary health committees of the 1790’s had, by 1832, evolved into a permanent Board of Health with accepted powers and duties, which was, however, almost always quiescent unless an epidemic was actually in progress….The day-to-day business of keeping a city of a quarter of a million healthy was the responsibility of only three men, the health officer of the port, the resident physician, and the city inspector….

“As spring warmed into summer, the inactivity of the Corporation began to provoke more and more criticism. Nothing, it seemed, had been done to protect the city. Cholera would rage uncontrollably should it arrive ‘at this moment,’ one critic warned early in June, ‘in the midst of the filth and stench with which our streets are filled’.”[161] (Rosenberg, Charles E. The Cholera Years – The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866. 1962, pp. 13-20.)

Wikipedia: “1832 – Cholera pandemic reaches North America. It breaks out in New York City on June 26, peaks at 100 deaths per day during July, and finally abates in December. More than 3500 people die in the city, many in the lower class neighborhoods, particularly Five Points. Another 80,000 people, one third of the population, are said to have fled the city during the epidemic.” (Wikipedia. “Timeline of New York City Crimes and Disasters.”)

New York City Chronological:

Feb 2: Mayor Walter Bowne “proclaims a blanket quarantine against almost all of Europe and Asia.”[162] (Rosenberg 1962, p. 20.)

June 4: “On June 4, a new act to regulate the cleaning of the city’s streets was introduced into the Board of Assistants. The act, which was signed by the Mayor on Wednesday, June 13, completely reorganized New York’s sanitation system.”[163] (Rosenberg 1962, pp. 19-20.)

June 15: “…the threat became more real and more imminent. The Albany steamboat which docked that Friday afternoon brought word that cholera had broken out in Quebec and Montreal. The Atlantic had been forded – America’s last great defense had failed…” (Rosenberg 1962, 21)

June 16: “On Saturday morning, the Board of Assistants held a special meeting and voted $25,000 to the Board of Health for ‘the erection of hospitals and other means to alleviate and prevent the cholera.’ The board was also urged to send a suitable observer to report on the epidemic in Canada….” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 21.)

June 16: With news from Canada that the mortality rate in Quebec and Montreal was as high as anywhere else in the world, “Mayor Bowne proclaimed an unprecedentedly severe quarantine. Without the permission of the Board of Health, no ship could approach closer that three hundred yards to the city; no vehicle closer than a mile and a half.” (Rosenberg 1962, 23.)

June 18-23: “…the Medical Society, which represented two-thirds of the city’s licensed physicians, formed a special committee of fifteen to study the problem. At their first meeting, this committee formulated a program of public and individual hygiene for the days ahead. It was most important, they urged, that the streets be kept clean throughout the coming summer. To help accomplish this, and to purify the atmosphere, water should be run from the hydrants several times a week. The streets themselves, as well as private sinks, yards, and cesspools should be disinfected with chloride of lime or quicklime. Individuals were urged to be calm, to be temperate in dining and drinking, and to be especially scrupulous in washing….”[164]

June 18 or 19-Aug 10: “About July 1st the disease appeared at the Almshouse, Bellevue, but cases of a so-called doubtful nature had occurred in June, but were not seen by the house physicians, as they were only paupers. These first doubtful cases were in all parts of the Almshouse quite distant from the ward in which the case of July 1st occurred; so that the whole house was already infected. In all there were precisely 555 cases and exactly 300 deaths, neither more or less, according to these so-called accurate figures.

“Dr. Thomas T. Devan was the physician of the Bellevue cholera hospital; from his report we learn that the first case was brought there in the person of Joseph Dean, colored, aged 16, who had been sweeping streets in the first ward of the city, and was admitted to the Almshouse not on July 1st, but on June 25th, about dusk, having sickened with diarrhoea on the 18th or 19th. He was sent to Blackwell’s Island, where he recovered, and no other cases occurred on that Island till July 10th.

“On June 26th, Richard Bostwick, colored, aged 83, who had been lying in the same ward, viz., No. 3, of the Almshouse in which Dean had been put, was attacked with vomiting, purging and cramps, and died next day. He was an old resident, had been in the Almshouse since 1829, and was long supposed to have been the first case, who had been nowhere and done nothing to bring on cholera, which had been blown in the windows as they were open during the day, though shut at night..

“The third case in the Almshouse was on June 27th, and the next two on July 1st, in room 19. Then the disease began to show itself in every part of the Almshouse; no place except room 4 escaping its ravages. Total to August 10, 547 cases, 315 deaths, and 232 cures.

“Dr. Joseph Bayley of the special medical council was appointed to investigate the outbreak in the Almshouse, and incorrectly says the first case was Mary Bloomfield in ward 19, who sickened July 1st, and died on the 2d. She had not been in New York city for several years, but it was not ascertained whether she had received visitors from the city; still 54 persons had been taken in the Almshouse from June 24th to July 1. After her death two other women occupying adjoining beds to Mary, and who had been in the city, also sickened and died, as did the nurse, who had not been in town. Here are all the signs of infection, which has been strenuously denied to this day. Mary doubtless contracted her cholera from the women who had been in the city, and being weaker, merely died sooner.

“Again, Daniel. Ryan was sent from the Almshouse to the general hospital of Bellevue on July 3d, and died the next morning. Also George Elliott and George Riley, who had been frolicking about the city on July 4th, were sent to the Almshouse July 5th, rallied, and then drank cold water and. died. Then Joseph herring, in hospital from April 9th for chronic diarrhoea, but sleeping between Ryan and Elliott, died on the same day, July 7th, that he was attacked. Then Catharine O’Neal, sister perhaps of the second city case, had been a few days in the city, returned to the Almshouse June 30th, and was sent from there to the hospital, where she died July 3. Then Ann Barnes, sent from the Almshouse July 4th, died. on the 5th. The first resident living in the hospital attacked had been there from April 25th, was seized July 6th, after Catharine and Ann had been admitted, and she died next day, followed to the grave by several other female patients.

“It has always been erroneously maintained that all the first victims in the Bellevue Almshouse were old residents: that no new-comers were attacked; that the infection was not brought by persons or things into the Almshouse or hospital, but was blown in by the winds and the general distemperature of the air; in proof of which the exact size of the doors and windows were carefully given, and the size of the chimneys.

“When one can get at all the facts, most all of the mysteries about, the introduction of cholera into hospitals and prisons can be easily cleared up; or rather they clear themselves up.

“Dr. Bayley curiously enough omits all the cases before July 1st, and says: “From the 1st to the 8th of July, eight days, there were 68 cases. From the 9th to the 16th, also eight days, 278 cases. From the 17th to the 24th, also eight days, only 96 cases.”

“Not the least ray of light was shed upon this tremendous multiplication of the disease. There must have been water contamination; but not a word is said about the water supply. The Croton aqueduct was not completed until 1842. Bad well or pump water must have been used. There were no sewers, and out-door privies must have existed; how near the wells they were no one now knows; night pails were probably used in the sick wards, and a faecal [fecal] atmosphere pervaded them.”

(Peters. “General History of the Disease and the Principal Epidemics up to 1885,” Section I in Wendt, 1885, p. 17-18.)

June 24-July 1:

“From the St. Lawrence the disease was forwarded along Lake Ontario by steamboats, and by land along its northern or Canadian border. Those places where no passengers were allowed to land escaped. From Montreal the pestilence commenced to descend Lake Champlain by means of emigrants and travelers toward Albany and New York. Every eye was turned toward Canada, when suddenly it appeared in the city of New York on June 24^th, before it could easily be traced to any arrival from Canada, although the arrival of trunks from Leeds, Canada, was subsequently reported….Dr. Vache’ and Dr. Alonzo Clark state that a cholera ship arrived at New York in June. The sick were cared for at the quarantine, and the well were shipped to the city and up the North River as rapidly as possible….

“…it is incorrectly stated that without having shown itself at any intermediate spot between Canada and New York it appeared in New York city in the person of a Mr. Fitzgerald, an Irish emigrant, who arrived in Quebec in the autumn of 1831, and lived in Albany from September to May, and on the 3d of May took a first floor of a house in Cherry street, near James street. He was a steady and temperate tailor, his wife was a neat housekeeper, and they committed no imprudence in diet. On June 25^th he spent the day in Brooklyn, sickened in the night, but soon recovered. Early on the 26h two of his children were attacked, and both died on the 27^th. On the 28^th, after eating strawberries and being exposed to the infection of her husband and children, who had not eaten strawberries, the wife was attacked and died.[165]

“Fitzgerald is the man who is said to have received a trunk of soiled clothing from Leeds, Canada, although some say it came from Leeds, England; he was a recent emigrant, and may have had close connections with Canada and even Ireland or England. It is certain that his diet and surroundings did not cause Asiatic cholera, which had already been quietly and secretly introduced into New York by the ship Henry IV, and others.

“The second reported case in New York was also an Irishman named O’Neil, seized the same day in Greenwich, two miles away from the first cases. He died the next day in the Greenwich hospital. He had been drunk for a week and had fallen into the North River, perhaps where some cholera ship had docked. The next day, June 30^th, a lodger of a Mr. Hannasy, No. 15 James-slip, near the first cases, was seized and died July 1^st. He was temperate and careful, but was not known to have had any communication with the first James street cases. Another lodger sickened and died the same day in the same house July 1^st. The keeper, Mr. Hannasy, and several others were subsequently taken sick and died either there or at places to which they were removed. All the latter were intemperate, and the house was most disgustingly filthy; but those causes alone could not produce Asiatic cholera; while the signs of infection were very manifest.”

(Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” Sec. I in Wendt, 1885, p. 17-18.)

June 24-30: “It has generally been received that the first case of the epidemic of 1832 that occurred in the city of New York was upon the 30^th day of June, in the person of an emigrant who lodged at No. 15 James Slip, at which house many other individuals subsequently died.

“We find from the report of Dr. L.C. Beck, however, that suspicious cases had appeared as early as the 24^th, when an Irishman named Fitzgerald, who had been in the country about one year, two months of which had been spent in New York City, after a visit to Brooklyn, was taken sick with Cholera, but recovered. On the 26^th of June, two children of Fitzgerald died of cholera. On the 28^th of June, Mrs. Fitzgerald was taken with the disease, and died the next day….

“During the year 1832 the late Dr. Westervelt was the health-officer of the port of New York. At that time the board of health was composed of the mayor of the city, the health officer of the port, the health-commissioner, and the resident physician.[166] During the epidemic of 1853 and 1854, Dr. Westervelt, while on a visit to the cholera-hospital at the quarantine station, informed Dr. Elisha Harris, now the most distinguished sanitarian of the United States, that in 1832 cholera had arrived at the port of New York in infected ships prior to its outbreak upon the Saint Lawrence, but that, for prudential motives, the facts were suppressed by the board of health. The sick were cared for in the quarantine hospital, and the well emigrants were shipped rapidly from the city….” (Woodworth 1865, p. 567.)

June 30: “On Friday (June 30), Dr. James Manley, the resident physician responsible for the diagnosis of contagious disease, reported two ‘undoubted cases.’ Despite such convincing evidence, the Board of Health and the mayor were still reluctant to make these reports public.[167]” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 26.)

July 1: “First case appeared at Bellevue alms-house, 2 miles from New-York. – Dr. J. Bayley.” (Beck 1832, p. 353.)

July 2: “On July 2d, cases…occurred near…water street, on the East river, near James street.” (Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” Sec. I in Wendt, 1885, p. 18.)

July 2: “Despite such convincing evidence, the Board of Health and the mayor were still reluctant to make these reports public…. (p 26) On Monday morning (July 2), the Medical Society stated publicly that nine cases of cholera had occurred. Only one had survived.” (Rosenberg 1962, 27) “Cholera in New York! From the Courier & Enquirer [NY] of July 2. At length the disorder called the Asiatic Cholera has made its appearance in this city. No alarm need be created – no excitement indulged – no fears entertained. With firmness, prudence, attention to cleanliness, temperance, and above all, a determined tranquility, we have not the slightest doubt, but it prove mild and moderate. Were furnished last night with the following official communication from the records of the Committee of the Medical Society.

Extract from the minutes of an extraordinary meeting of the Committee on Cholera, held on Sunday evening, July 1^st, 1932, Dr. Peixotto in the chair.

A Communication having been made by Drs. Stearns, Maclay, Bowron, Piatt, Walsh, Sheldon and Peixotto, that they had seen several cases of Cholera Asphyxia (Asiatic Cholera,) amounting in all to nine, of which eight and proved fatal, and that their views of the cases had been confirmed by some of the most respectable practitioners in the city, it was resolved that this communication be published. Francis W. Walsh, M.D. Sec’ry

“From the N.Y. Commercial.

We regret that we are still obliged to make this subject the prominent one in our publication, and may yet be compelled to do so for some time; as the disease has undoubtedly made its appearance in this city; and all that human agency can do to prevent its extensive ravages is, to keep the town universally clean; to remove the squalid, the self abandoned, and the helpless poor from situations where the pestilence would inevitably reach them and to enjoin on all temperance, cleanliness, fortitude and fearlessness. To fly from the city is folly. To indulge in gloomy forebodings as to individual safety, is to invite the strongest premonition of the disease. The indulgence of that natural piety which induces men, even when sadly depraved, to took to that God with whom are the issues of life and death, as a GOD of MERCY, is peculiarly called for. But if there be any to whom such language is unintelligible, we would say to them, in the language of several physicians, ‘be reckless’ – not of diet, exposure, or the indulgence of the passions: but of where the shafts of the Destroyer may be sped. Each one has a chance in a dangerous lottery; but those have the best who are least anxious as to the result, and take the best care of themselves – such care as it would always be prudent to take at the same season. (Gettysburg Star & Republican Banner (PA). “Cholera in New York!, July 10, 1832, p. 2.)

“The announcement was immediately attacked by those New Yorkers who feared – and hoped — that it might have been premature or unwarranted…There were many who agreed with banker John Pintard…Had the eager physicians, he asked, any idea of the disaster which such an announcement would bring to the city’s business?” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 27)

July 3: “On Tuesday, July 3, public alarm was excited to the highest degree, and the Board of Health, feeling deeply the novelty and importance of the crisis, appointed a Special Medical Council to ascertain the real nature of the cases reported to be spasmodic or Asiatic Cholera, and to devise such measures as the emergency required.” (Atkins. Reports of… 1832, 10-11.)

July 4: “By July 4^th it had shown itself in various places upon the opposite or east side of the city. From this time cases continued to multiply daily, and Dr. Dudley Atkins, secretary to the special cholera medical council, hardily says, ‘All efforts to trace these cases among Irishmen to any foreign source have thus far been wholly unsuccessful’.” (Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” Sec. I in Wendt, 1885, p. 18-19.)

July 4, 1832 noon, to July 5, noon: “The official report of the Board of Health up to noon on the 5^th inst. States that 20 cases of Cholera, and 11 deaths, in the last 24 hours, at New York.” (Gettysburg Star & Republican Banner (PA). “Cholera in New York!, July 10, 1832, p. 2.)

July 5: “On Thursday, July 5, the Court of Sessions discharged on their own recognizance all prisoners confined in the almshouse for misdemeanors. Cholera had broken out at the almshouse, and it seemed unjust to expose petty offenders to probable death.” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 29.)

July 6: “On Friday the board began to issue daily cholera reports.” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 29.)

“By the end if the first week of July, almost everyone who could afford to had left the city….Visitors to the city were struck by the deathly silence of the streets, unaccustomedly clean and strewn with lime. Even on Broadway, passers-by were so few that a man on horseback drew curious faces to upper windows.” (Rosenberg 1962, 28) “Of its 250,000 residents, it is estimated that as many as a third (80,000) fled to the country where they thought the chances of epidemic were lower.^” (Beardslee, “The 1832 Cholera Epidemic in New York State…”)

“At last the Board of Health began to take action, outfitting five special cholera hospitals, one in the Hall or Records, another in a school, a third in an old bank, and a fourth in an abandoned workshed.[168] These tardy measures could not still a growing criticism. Had the lives of the city’s humble artisans and mechanics been sacrificed to the commercial interests which seemed to have paralyzed the board into inactivity? Editorials urged that the Board of Health be forced to resign if it could not fulfill its duties….” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 29.)

July 10: “The Special Medical Council announced on July 10, a day on which there had been forty-five deaths, ‘that the disease in the city is confined to the imprudent, the intemperate, and to those who injure themselves by taking improper medicines’.” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 30)

“Respectable persons of regular habits reassured themselves that they had little to fear. Only the dirty, the intemperate, those who had somehow predisposed themselves, were cholera’s intended victims….Obviously then, the most important task in preventing the spread of cholera was to safeguard the common people against their dangerous habits of life. Accordingly, the Special Medical Council drew up the following recommendations, which were distributed in handbills and published prominently in all of the city’s newspapers.

Notice

Be temperate in eating and drinking,

avoid crude vegetables and fruits;

abstain from cold water, when heated;

and above all from ardent spirits and

if habit have rendered it indispensable, take much less than usual.

Sleep and clothe warm

Avoid labor in the heat of day.

Do not sleep or sit in a draught of air when heated.

Avoid getting wet

Take no medicines without advice.”

(Rosenberg 1962, pp. 29-30.)

July 13: Cholera deaths reported. “The report of the 24 hours ending Friday at noon, shows an aggregate of 101 new cases, and 49 deaths.” (Gettysburg Star, July 17, 1832) “Extract of a letter from New York, dated July 13^th: — The cholera is the only thing talked of here at present…It has drained the city of strangers, and frightened away about one-third of the inhabitants. Broadway is as quiet as a country village.” (Gettysburg Republican Compiler (PA). July 31, 1832, p. 1)

July 14: Cholera deaths reported. “That of the 24 hours ending Saturday at noon, 105 new cases, 66 deaths.” (Gettysburg Star, July 17, 1832.) The Gettysburg Star & Republican Banner article quoted goes on to note from a Baltimore Gazette dispatch that the Cholera in New York is increasing in virulence and its fatality is not confined alone to the worthless and depraved of society, but attacks without discrimination, those who move in the circle of ease and affluence.”

July 15: “They [two Hagerstown, MD doctors] were in Philadelphia on the 15^th inst. Two cases of Cholera had been reported that day; same day in New York 132 new cases, and 84 deaths were reported.” (Hagerstown Mail (MD). “The Cholera,” July 20, 1832, p. 2.)

July 16: Table of Cholera cases and deaths, NYC. (Hagerstown Mail, July 20, 1832, p. 2.)

New Cases Deaths

Private Residences 92 45

Hospitals 50 32

Bellevue 21 17

153 61

July 17: Table of Cholera cases and deaths, NYC. (Hagerstown Mail, July 20, 1832, p. 2.)

New Cases Deaths

Private Residences 60 20

Hospitals 63 28

Bellevue 23 13

146 61

The Hagerstown Mail, just quoted, after noting cholera deaths in NYC reprints the following “Notice” published as a “Resolution of the Special Medical Council” [NY] found in the New York Standard:

Be Temperate in Eating and Drinking; avoid crude Vegetables and Fruits; abstain from Cold Water, when heated; and above all from Ardent Spirits; and if habit have rendered it indispensable, take much less than usual. Sleep and Clothe Warm. Avoid labour in the heat of the day. Do not sleep or sit in a draught of air, when hearted. Avoid getting wet. Take no medicine without advice.

July 18: “Nine cases were reported at Brooklyn. The persons were intemperate, and had been in New-York. Since that time the disease has prevailed quite extensively at that place.” (Beck 1832, p. 356.)

July 20-Aug: “By July 20, the cholera epidemic had reached its height. August brought with it a gradual but steady decline in the number of new cases, and though the epidemic smoldered on throughout that fall, it had completely disappeared by Christmas.” (Rosenberg, The Cholera Years, 1962, p. 34)

“It is said that over 100,000 fled from town. Hence the mortality was confined principally to the poor, for whom, it may be added, the authorities did little, but the medical fraternity much. Then, as now, New-York was conspicuous for its learned, benevolent, and courageous physicians. While the whole gamut of evil passions was struck in the scenes of panic, cowardice, rapine, and debauchery, they sounded the accordant note of devotion to duty. When the plague abated with the cold weather, there was little change for the better in the local organization against infectious disease.” (NYT, “Epidemics of New-York,” Feb 16, 1896.)

July 30: “There had been thirty-nine deaths that day, and it was common knowledge that many doctors did not even bother to report their cases. Earlier in the week, over a hundred deaths a day had been recorded. Cartloads of coffins rumbled through the streets… Dead bodies lay unburied in the gutters, and coffin-makers had to work on the Sabbath to supply the demand. Charles G. Finney, the evangelist, recalled having seen five hearses drawn up at the same time at different houses within sight of his door. Harsh smoke from burning clothes and bedding filled the air, mingling with the acrid fumes of burning tar, pitch, and other time-tested preventives….By August many of the churches were closed…” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 32)

“The poor, deserving and undeserving, resented the unwonted intrusion of authority into their affairs. As had been the case in epidemics since the Middle Ages, the lower classes forcibly discouraged attempts to take their sick to hospitals, which were regarded as little more than charnel houses. Physicians and city officials were attacked and brutally beaten.” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 33)

Aug 20: “As early as August 20, the Board of health had begun to close the cholera hospitals, displaying an alacrity conspicuously absent in its preparations for the epidemic.” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 35)

Aug 27: “The New York papers of the 27^th contain a notice signed by a large number of the most respectable merchants and dealers, inviting their customers to the city, in the assurance that those parts of the city, in which the hotels are located, and general business transacted, are healthy.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-1-1832, p. 5.)

Aug 27: “On August 27, the board began to make provisions for the storage and inventory of its remaining supplies. By the end of the month, only one hospital remained open.” (Rosenberg 1962, p. 33)

Aug 28: “New York. Board of health, Aug 28. The following communication was received from the special medical council, and directed to be published. J. Morton, sec’y.

New York, Aug. 28, 1832.

To Walter Browne, esq. president of the board of health:

Sir: — The special medical council, having been requested by the board of health to express their opinion on the subject of inviting the return of absent citizens, have approached the subject with a deep sense of the responsibility which it involves. They are fully aware of the extent to which the great commercial interests of the city are suffering by the continued absence of many of those whose occupations afford support not to themselves alone, but to large numbers in the humbler walks of life. At the same time, as medical men, they are bound to regard the subject with reference to the paramount considerations of the health and safety of those who are to be influenced by its decisions.

The number of cases of malignant cholera is now greatly diminished, notwithstanding the rapid increase of our population within the last week. Our long experience in the disease, while it has confirmed, in every particular, the necessity of strict attention to diet and regimen, has given to us, and to the whole community, a sense of security under these precautions, which experience alone can inspire.

Influenced by these and other considerations of a like character, which they deem it unnecessary to detail, the special medical council, addressing themselves to the discreet portion of the community, invite them to return to their business and their homes. While giving this advice, they beg to reiterate to the public authorities all their former recommendations, and to individuals those of cleanliness, precaution in diet and regimen, and early attention to premonitory symptoms, by a due regard to which, they and those who have duly followed them have, by the blessing of God, gone through the season of pestilence unharmed. In behalf of the council.

H. Stevens, M.D. prest.

(Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-8-1832, p. 23.)

Aug 28: “On August 28, the Special Medical Council pronounced New York safe, and two days later issued its last cholera report.” (Rosenberg 1962, 35)

Aug 29: “Board of health, Aug. 29 – Alderman Cebra presented the following resolution, which was adopted:

Resolved, That in future all reports of deaths be reported in the usual manner, by the city inspector, once in each week, and that the reports made by this board cease. J. Morton, secretary.

“On the 29^th Aug. there were 21 cases and 6 deaths at New York.

(Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-8-1832, p. 23.)

Aug 29: Ohio Repository on the 1832 New York Cholera Epidemic: “It appeared in New York in the latter part of June, on the twenty-seventh of that month two cases occurred. – In about three weeks from the beginning of its ravages in New York, the disease was at its height, — the cases for 24 hours were about 311, and the deaths about 115. On the 29^th of August, the board of health reported the whole number of cases that had occurred 5835, and the total of deaths 2521.” (Ohio Repository, “History and Progress of the Cholera.” September 6, 1833.)

Sep 1: “The Record office in the Park was turned into a cholera hospital, and in nine weeks from July 1^st to Sept 1^st there were 2,030 patients and 853 deaths there, with 1,189 recovered.” (Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” Sec. I in Wendt, 1885, p. 19.)

Sep 2 report: “The following shows the rise and progress of the cholera at New York from the 1^st July to 2d September –

Interments.

Burials. Cholera malignant.

Week ending July 7 191 56

Do. do. 14 510 336

Do. do. 21 887 716

Do. do. 28 879 686

Do. Aug 4 580 383

Do. do. 11 467 261

Do. do. 18 444 222

Do. do. 25 391 178

Do. Sept. 2 324 138

Total since 1^st July 4,673 2,996”

(Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, p. 23.)

Sep 11: “New York. The Commercial Advertiser of the 11^th contains the following very unpleasant paragraphs:

The official report of interments in this city during the past week, will not be published until tomorrow. On Saturday the returns amounted to 324, of which 190 were cholera cases; and some of the churches had not made returns. The disorder has also exhibited itself in the vicinity, on the Jersey shore. It is certainly not true, as stated in a morning paper, that the profligate and destitute alone are now marked out by the disease. The number of respectable sufferers is becoming greater. This only admonishes all to pay the strictest attention to health. The profusion of vegetables and fruits continues to be a great temptation, and the night air is now peculiarly dangerous.

“Postscript. Since the above, we learn, officially, that the whole number of interments, during the week ending on Saturday [Sep 15], was 355, of which two hundred and one were of cholera.” (Niles’ Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.)

Sep 15 report: “A death party. The New York Gazette mentions a party of four persons who feasted on melons on a certain day last week, and all died in a few hours.” (Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.)

Sep 18 report: “It is with truly gratified feelings that we ask attention to the official report of interments in the city during the week just expired…It will be seen that this report shows a diminution on the previous one of deaths of cholera of seventy-three; it is besides, the most favorable account that we have been able to lay before the public since the 7^th July. Almost all, if not all, the deaths by the pestilence have occurred, we believe, in the upper parts of the city, above the city hall, the lower or business parts, seem to be exempt from its attacks entirely, and from present appearances, we indulge the hop that it is fast leaving the city altogether.” N.Y. Cour. And Enquirer, Sept. 18.” (Sandusky Clarion, OH. “The cholera.” 10-10-1832, p. 3.)

Sep 29 report: “Deaths at New York. A New York Paper of the 29^th ult. Says that 5,557 persons died in that city since the first of July….In more private life, many estimable citizens have fallen, and we must add also, in faithfulness to truth, many of a very different description. We believe the amount of moral corruption in the city is perceptibly diminished in consequence of this awful visitation. The shafts of death have fallen thickest among the haunts of iniquity…” (Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-6-1832, 84.)

Sep 29: “The following is an extract of a letter addressed officially by the mayor of New York to one of the foreign consuls, in answer to an enquiry made on the subject of the public health.:

I feel justified as president of the board of health, to answer you, as the opinion of the board, that the cholera has ceased to exist as an epidemic or contagious disorder in the city of New York.

“Deaths at New York by the cholera, in the week ending on Sunday last [Sep 30] – fifty.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 10-6-1832, pp. 84-85.)

Oct 21-28: “New York. Total number of deaths in this city for the week ending October 28 – 101; of which 14 were of cholera.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-3-1832, p. 148.)

Nov 10 report: “The cholera lingers at New York and Baltimore, and some fatal cases happen in both cities – but there is no alarm, or particular fear of the disease.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.)

Plattsburg, NY – August 22, 1832

“The Plattsburg Republican of the 23rd, furnishes us with the report of the board of health of Plattsburgh to the 22d, 6 A. M. No new cases – seven had occurred in all, of whom six had died, the remaining convalescent. No case had occurred in Burlington since Tuesday, nor was it known there were any in the neighboring towns, or south of Canada since the 18^th.” (Gettysburg Star & Republican Banner. “The Cholera!,” July 3, 1832.)

Rochester, NY – July 12, 1832:

“The first case in Rochester was that of Edward Pearsol…. He came to Rochester by way of the Erie Canal on the 11^th of July. He had had diarrhea several days. On the morning of the 12^th he went to a doctor…but was soon stricken with vomiting. He died at about ten o’clock that evening and fearing the spread of the disease he was laid to rest at 2:00 A.M.. The second case of cholera was an unnamed woman from the Isle of Man that also arrived via the canal. That the Erie Canal helped spread the disease can be seen by one account of a canal boat that buried one passenger in Perinton and one in Pittsford. Also, two of the deaths in Rochester were canal boat drivers.

”Although only 121 persons died in Rochester, this was a true epidemic. The population of Rochester in 1832 was approximately 12,000, thus 1 in 100 died from the cholera in just six weeks. In today’s numbers, 1% of the population of Rochester would be about 2500 deaths. The total number of documented cases was 388 but there probably more cases as some people only suffered minor diarrhea and survived. Also, fearing the stigma of the disease some people were probably listed as dying of some other cause.” (Halsey 2000, Cholera Epidemic of 1832.)

Utica, NY

“A number of Irishmen attacked the cholera hospital at Utica, and compelled the physician and nurses to make a quick retreat – but the law prevailed, and they were taken into custody and would be punished. This establishment was, probably, chiefly provided for the benefit of this very class of persons, travelling on the canal, and having no place of shelter, or person to take care of them, when sick.”[169] (Niles’ Register, Baltimore, MD. “Progress of the Cholera.” 9-15-1832, p. 44.)

Westchester County State Prison, NY

“State Prison, Westchester Co. July 31 – During the last eight days there occurred here 97 cases and 30 deaths.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 8-7-1832, p. 3.)

North Carolina

Sep 8 report: “North Carolina – at Winton.”[170] (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, p. 24-25.)

Oct 13 report: “Edenton, N.C. is visited by the cholera.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, p. 104.)

“From Lynchburg we learn that sixteen of the boatmen employed on the river have died. A few cases still appear at Petersburg, and at Elizabeth city, North Carolina.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, p. 104.)

Oct 18-24: “At Edenton for the week ending Oct. 24 – 15 deaths were reported of cholera – 2 white, 13 colored.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, p.171.)

Oct 25-31: “In the week ending the 31^st ult. There were only three deaths by cholera at Edenton.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p. 201.)

Ohio

Niles: “The following is an extract of a letter dated Point Pleasant, Ohio, Oct. 22.

I hasten to give you some idea of our situation on the river as it regards the cholera. People are al in confusion and uproar, flying in every direction. Every steamboat that passes has some cases on board. One died 8 miles above, and was buried on the island. Another died at Letart falls, and another at Marietta. The steamboat Gallipolis came down from Wheeling yesterday. She landed at the Marietta bar, in consequence of the darkness of the night. In the mean time another boat came alongside and requested the hands to take their line and lash them together. After having been asked whether there was any sick on board, they answered no, and the boats were fastened together. Shortly after, some of the passengers of the Gallipolis, in passing the windows of the other boat, saw a corpse, and on making inquiry, were told that the persons had just died, and on examination, three more were found about to die. They immediately unfastened the boats, and with the utmost difficulty the hands on board the Gallipolis were induced to raise the steam and to start. They were dying on board the boats every day. Major Waggoner has refused to take any steamboat passengers at his house. A man laid at the landing here yesterday on a boat one hour under a severe attack of cholera, and one landed here who is supposed to have it. I shall leave here in a day or two. I assure you we are in danger every hour on the river.”

(Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 172.)

Cincinnati:

Greve, Sep 10, 1832-Oct 1833: “The cholera broke out extensively in Cincinnati about September 10th and staid for 13 months. At first an effort was made to deny its presence in the city but on October l0th an official list of deaths from cholera was published. In the month of October 423 persons, 41 in one day, the 21st of the month, perished from the disease. The epidemic lasted almost to the end of the year but broke out again the following season, when in July 176 fell victims. The total mortality during the two years was 813….

“The city, during the prevalence of this dreadful epidemic, presented a mournful aspect. Thousands of citizens were absent in the country; very many were closely confined by personal affliction or the demands of sick friends; hundreds were numbered among the dead; the transient floating population had entirely disappeared; the country people, in terror, stood aloof; business was almost wholly suspended; the tramp of hurrying feet was no longer heard on the streets; the din of the city was hushed, and every day appeared as a Sabbath. Instead, however, of the sound of church-going. bells and the footsteps of happy throngs hastening to the house of God, were heard the shrieks of terror-stricken victims of the fell disease, the groans of the dying, and the voices of lamentation. For weeks funeral processions might be seen at any hour, from early morning to late at night. All classes of people were stricken down in this fearful visitation. Doctors, ministers, lawyers, merchants and mechanics, the old and the young, the temperate and the intemperate, the prudent and the imprudent, were alike victims.” (Life of Bishop Morris.)

“One of the results of the cholera was a large number of orphans. The ladies of Cincinnati found an occasion for their efforts in caring for the unfortunates. With funds placed in their hands by the Masonic lodges, and others of the in the city, they founded the Cincinnati Orphan Asylum. The city gave them the use of a building on the ground, now occupied for the beautiful Lincoln Park.” (L’Hommedieu’s Pioneer Address, Cincinnati Pioneer, No. III.)

(Greve. Centennial History of Cincinnati and Representative Citizens, Vol. 1. 1904 p. 588.)

McClellan, Sep 30-Oct 9: “Cincinnati.—October 9. The steamboat Sylph arrived at Cincinnati with a passenger on board sick with cholera. He was an emigrant, who had left Kingston, Upper Canada, nine days before, crossed the State of Ohio from Cleveland to Portsmouth, one, hundred and twenty miles above Cincinnati. At Portsmouth he took the steamer Sylph for Cincinnati. After the arrival of this man and his death, the disease became epidemic in the city.

“Up to this time the existence of the disease at Cincinnati had been denied by the board of health; but it, is shown by Dr. Drake that twenty-one fatal cases had already occurred, the first on the 30th of September.

“The first case, that of September 30, was the driver of an express-wagon, who was employed wherever he could obtain work, and who was attacked after exposure to a violent storm of ruin. The same night a man, whose occupation is not given, but who lived within but three blocks of the river, died after a twp hours’ illness.

“The same day the cook of the steamboat Huntsman was taken sick, and died, collapsed, October 1. This boat was a regular packet between Cincinnati and Louisville. No cholera had occurred at the latter city, (but from the nature of his employment he was thrown in contact with men from other river-steamers, and those employed on the levee of Cincinnati.)

“September 30. A negro woman, living quite close to the second case, was taken with cholera and died in twelve hours; and in the same house, on October 2, the fifth case occurred, which was also fatal.

“October 1. In a house almost adjoining that at which the two last died occurred the sixth fatal case.

“October 4. A man died of cholera at his home some ten miles from Covington, Ky. He had spent the four previous days in Cincinnati.

“October 5. A negro laborer died of cholera; the record does not show his exact employment, or whether he had been in contact with the previous negro cases. But his home was within the square from their point of death.

“October 5. A negro deck-hand of a river-steamboat died at the house of one Anderson, of cholera. Anderson lived near to the first case of this date. It is recorded that this second case, George Price, had been at the house at which he died two days before he was taken with the disease. Two other cases occurred in the same portion of the city, that terminated fatally on the 5th.

“October 6. A negro man, occupation not given, died of cholera near the center of the city. The same day a gentleman died of the disease at Covington. He had been in Cincinnati the previous day, and became wet with rain as he returned home.

“October 7. Five cases occurred in the portion of the city infected; all were fatal.

“October 9. The first steamboat known to be infected arrived at the city. The steamboat referred to as conveying cholera-patients to Cincinnati was the William Parsons, from Saint Louis, Mo.

“During the prevalence of cholera at Cincinnati, a party of twenty-four German emigrants arrived at Dayton, Ohio, (June 23.) When they landed, one of their number was dead with cholera, and eight were dangerously ill; of the latter, seven died. The remaining sixteen were all attacked, but recovered with the exception of one infant. Two of the nurses employed to care for these people died of the disease. One was ill but recovered; there was no extension of the epidemic.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 586)

Oct 11-17: “There were one hundred and forty-three deaths in Cincinnati for the week ending Oct. 17, of which 117 were by cholera. There were 15 deaths by cholera on the 18^th and 20 deaths on the 19^th ult.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “The Cholera.” 11-6-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 12: “Cincinnati. The cholera has appeared in this city – and seems to be very severe in its attack: 14 died on the 12^th instant – and some deaths had taken place previously.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, p. 117.)

Oct 12-15: “Ohio. At Cincinnati there were 18 deaths by cholera on the 12^th October – 28 on the 13^th – 25 on the 14^th – 24 on the 15^th – 25 on the 16^th – and 17 on the 17^th. Of 117 cases which happened in this city up to the 15^th October inclusive, 96 were males and 21 females. This is accounted for in the greater temperance and ‘more passive courage’ of the latter. One account gives the whole number of deaths by cholera, at Cincinnati, from the 2d to the 16^th October, both included, at 144. It is stated that a majority of those who died in this city were carried off in from five to twelve hours after being attacked!” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.)

Oct 19-26: “Cincinnati. Deaths by cholera – on the 19^th Oct. 19; on the 20^th – 39; on the 21^st – 19; 22d – 23, with three others omitted in previous reports; 23d – 20; 24^th – 15, and 3 omitted in previous reports; 25^th – 20; 26^th – 16.

“The disease has been awful at Cincinnati – few recovered from the attack – some were carried off in two or three hours, many in from six to eight. It was ‘no respecter to persons.’ – There were 117 deaths by the cholera in the week ending Oct. 17.

“From the 20^th to the 26^th October, inclusive of both, there had been 156 deaths by cholera, in Cincinnati. Whole number by the disease, to the 26^th including, 351 – 247 males and 104 females.

“The disease prevailed in several of the smaller towns near Cincinnati.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-3-1832, p. 149.)

Oct 25-Nov 1: “Cincinnati. It is stated that one-third of the people of this city abandoned their homes because of the cholera. Deaths – Oct 25 – 19; 26^th – 17; 27^th – 13; 28^th 13; 29^th – 8; 30^th – 9; 31^st – 7. The disease was declining and, we hope will soon disappear. On the 1^st Nov. only 6 deaths – on the 2^nd NONE!” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, p. 171.)

Nov 3 report: “Extract of a letter dated Cincinnati, to a gentleman in this city.

‘We have suffered very much here from the cholera. The deaths by cholera during this month, to the present time, are but little short of 400. It is now considered on the decline. Deaths yesterday 12; highest number in a day 42. Business is entirely suspended.’

“From the N.Y. Journal of Commerce, Nov 3.” (Lycoming Gazette, Williamsport, PA. 11-14-1832, p. 2.)

Nov 1-8: “Cincinnati. During the week ending on the 8^th instant, there were 47 deaths, 19 of which were by cholera.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, p201.)

July 26, 1833: “Cincinnati, July 26. Health of the City. – Cases of Cholera have multiplied in our city, within the last week. Several persons of extensive usefulness have fallen its victims, and some cases have occurred, of peculiar family distress. These have given somewhat of an adventitious character to its ravages. Never the less it has assumed, to a certain extent, an epidemic character .

“From the list of interment s published today, it will be seen that from Tuesday night, the 16^th,, to Tuesday night 23d, there were 99 burials. More than half of Cholera. This interment of the corresponding week of 1832 were only 25. The population of the city was then undoubtedly greater than it is now, so that, independent of Cholera, it is evident that there is more prevalent disease than usual. — Bilious fever, and diseases incident to children. prevail in rather malignant character” (Hagerstown Mail, MD. “Cholera In Cincinnati,” 7-9-1833, p. 2.)

Cleveland, OH – June 10 – Oct 1832

June 10: “The disease was introduced into Cleveland with the arrival of the steamboat Henry Clay on 10 June. Engaged to transport soldiers to fight in the Black Hawk War, the boat was returning to Buffalo with a number of cholera cases. Prevented from docking in Detroit, the Clay was in need of help. Its presence provoked great excitement; some proposed to burn it if it remained. Village trustees determined that everything should be done to aid the sufferers but at the same time protect the citizens. Physicians and supplies were furnished to the men from the Clay, at barracks on the west bank of the Cuyahoga River. The boat was fumigated and 3 days later departed for Buffalo. In the interim, several crewmen died, and the disease soon manifested itself in various locations in the village, even among those with no exposure to the boat or its crew. The epidemic lasted a month, claiming 50 lives. In October an unexplained recurrence struck down 14 people, all of whom died within 3 days.” (The Encyclopedia of Cleveland History, “The Cholera Epidemic of 1832.”)

July 10: “The following announcement was made by the Cleveland Board of Health:

“Cleveland, Ohio, July 10, 1832—9 o’clock a. m.

“The board of health have the unpleasant duty to report that the steamboat Henry Clay arrived last evening in our piers from Detroit with three of her men sick, and, as the board of health have no doubt, with the cholera. Two of the crew died of cholera above Detroit.”

“After much opposition on the part of the citizens of Cleveland, the crew of the Henry Clay were allowed to land upon a point of land, where they were placed in close quarantine. Several of the men died of cholera at that point, but the disease dirt not spread.

“July 22, a woman was landed at Cleveland from a passing boat. She was suffering from diarrhoea when she arrived; cholera was soon developed, and she died. From this case the disease spread and became epidemic.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 586.)

Oct 2 report: “We regret to state that several cases of Cholera have recently occurred in this country. A family in Rockport township, about eight or nine miles from this place [Cleveland], has been most severely afflicted with the disease. On Friday last, we were informed, that 4 of the inmates had died; and have subsequently understood that the fifth, who was then seriously indisposed, is dead. Two others have been attacked, and little hope is entertained of their recovery. The head of the family, who had recently been to the state of New York, upon his return, was immediately taken with, and became the first subject of the disease. The others soon followed. Cleveland Herald.” (Sandusky Clarion, OH. 10-3-1832, p. 2.)

Oct 3-5: “From the Cleveland Advertiser. Cholera in Cleveland. – Again it is our painful duty to refer to the violence of the Cholera in Cleveland. – Within the forty-eight hours ending on Friday, the following individuals have been interred in the village grave yard who have died of cholera.

Matthew Williamson,

Capt. Chauncy Warner, residents of Cleveland.

John Gaze,

Robt. Williamson,

John Craig,

Isaac Ryan,

Bridget Comfort,

Horace Barnett,

____ Peckham, painter,

Abraham Tanyke, residence not known.

Patrick Cayton, residence somewhere either in Fairfield or…[unclear] counties, Ohio.

“Besides these there has been one or two deaths, whose names are unknown. Such a sudden destruction of human life as is here recorded, is indeed frightful. From whence originated the cause of the mortality no human mind attempts to define. All that is known of its approach is, that the cholera came borne on the same blast, as it were, with what is usually termed the equinoctial storm, and with its cessation passed away. No deaths or new cases, as we can learn, have occurred since the weather has become settled, and we trust in Heaven, that we may never again have occasion to record a like mortality as the one that has so recently made its appearance and exit.” (Huron Reflector, Norwalk, OH. “Cholera in Cleveland.” 10-9-1832, p. 1.)

Oct 13 report: “Rockport, Cuyahoga county, Ohio, has been afflicted with the cholera – and five in the family of Mr. Cunningham had swiftly died of it.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, p. 104.)

Oct 15: “The Cholera has again broken out in Cleveland, Ohio. On the 15^th inst. nine persons were buried in one day.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 10-23-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 17 report: “The cholera has appeared at Mount Vernon and Cincinnati. Dr. Maxfield died at the first mentioned place.” (Sandusky Clarion, OH. 10-17-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 20 report: “At Cleveland, Ohio, and on the line of the canal, the epidemic has lately caused a good many deaths.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, p. 117.)

Pennsylvania

Chambersburg:

Oct 2 report: “Reports have been in circulation, that a number of cases had occurred in Chambersburg. We are happy to learn that, with the exception of one or two suspicious cases, the last of which occurred on Thursday, the town enjoys its usual health.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “The Cholera.” 10-2-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 13-14: “The Cholera has broken out with great violence in Chambersburg; there were seven deaths from Saturday morning’ to Sunday evening [Oct 13-14]: and a number of persons attacked on Sunday. Among those who have died, are Dr. Jamieson, Mrs. Blood, John Findlay, Jr., Mrs. Hutchinson, and Miss Wunderlich. The alarm in Chambersburg is said to be without precedent. The Supreme Court broke up immediately. It is drawing near us – be careful! It is reported to be in York and Lancaster.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “The Cholera.” 10-16-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 27 report: “Pennsylvania. A number of very respectable persons have died of the cholera at Chambersburg, but the disease has nearly, if not altogether, retired.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, p. 132.)

Philadelphia:

July 5: “New York sent cholera to…Philadelphia, July 5^th…” (Peters 1885, p. 24.)

July 16: “The first case that occurred in Philadelphia was on the 16^th of July. About the 25^th, the disease was at its height here; the number of cases in 24 hours was 179 and the deaths 71; total number of cases previous to September 1^st, was 2192, and 747 deaths.” (Ohio Repository, “History and Progress of the Cholera.” September 6, 1833.)

July 30: “Cholera in Arch Street Prison…. During the existence of the pestilential cholera…the most alarming event that marked its career, was its rapid, and fatal march through the jail of the city and county of Philadelphia. It appears that on the 30^th of July, the first person was attacked there, at which date about two hundred and ten prisoners[171] were confined in the criminal side an twenty-one in the debtors apartment….At that moment [Aug 5 when the prison doctor died] about eighty individuals were subject of the formidable malady in its worst aspect, and nearly as many more in the premonitory stages, whilst those who were not yet attacked became almost frantic through fear. Four of the officers being then also sick, it may be easily supposed that great dismay and confusion reigned through the prison….

“The scenes of that memorable day were of unparalleled fearfulness and loathsomeness in the history of disease and death, in Philadelphia. Before night not less than seventy persons who were living in that building when the morning dawned, were consigned to the gravel.” [Article goes on to note that effort was then made to release debtors and move prisoners elsewhere – which unintentionally assisted in the spread of the disease.] (Niles Register, 9-29-1832, 71-72)

Aug 19-25: “Total interments in Philadelphia for the week ending Aug. 25 – 245 – viz. 116 adults and 129 children. Of the whole, 67 adults and 49 children of the cholera.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-1-1832, 5.)

Aug 23: “Four of the hospitals in this city were closed on the 23^rd Aug – and four yet kept open.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” Vol. 43, 9-1-1832, 5.)

Aug 29: “Health office – Philadelphia, Aug. 29. The board of health have the satisfaction to announce to their fellow citizens, that the pestilence has in a great measure passed by, and that, in their opinion, there is no danger in citizens returning to their homes. Generally speaking, the persons who fell victims to the disease were residents of crowded and ill ventilated places, whose constitutions had been impaired, or who had from excessive fatigue or gross imprudence in diet, subjected themselves to disease.

“The board would still impress upon the people the propriety of avoiding the causes of disease, the necessity of being careful in diet, and of exposure to the rays of the sun and the night air; with such precautions there is no just cause of fear. Those who have remained in the city, no longer feel any alarm, and our fellow citizens are about taking measures to communicate to their friends in the country correct information of the state of public feeling and to unite with us in proclaiming that persons may visit and remain in the city without danger, but with perfect safety, from the visitation of cholera. Wm. Binder, president.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, p. 23.)

Sep 1: “Health office, Sept. 1. The board of health, in consequence of the very great decrease of cholera cases in the city and districts, have directed the daily reports to be discontinued, a register of all cases reported to be kept at the office for the inspection of the public, and the weekly list of interments to be published as heretofore.

“The board pledge themselves, in case the disease should revisit us in an extended form, to renew the publication of the daily reports for the satisfaction of their fellow citizens. Wm. Binder, president.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 23.)

Sep 1: “There was a large meeting of the merchants of Philadelphia on the 29^th ult. At which a circular was adopted inviting their customers, and others, to visit the city, as heretofore – and hoping that none would be deterred from doing so, ‘by an ill grounded apprehension of danger from the departing pestilence’.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.)

Oct 2 report: “The Board of Health of Philadelphia has announced its total disappearance from that city.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg PA. “The Cholera.” 10-2-1832, p. 3.)

Oct 20 report: “The city councils of Philadelphia have passed a resolution to present pieces of plate, with suitable inscriptions, to 12 physicians for their services during the prevalence of the cholera in that city; and also to each of the Sisters of Charity who attended in the cholera hospitals.” (Frederick Herald, MD. 9-1-1832, 2.)

1832: “East Whitehead[172] — The Irish immigrants, known as the Duffy’s Cut men and woman, who died…while working on the railroad, will soon have a final resting place.
Immaculata University, in collaboration with West Laurel Hill Cemetery, are providing a memorial for the 57 workers as well as burying the remains which have been located. The memorial and burial will begin at 2 p.m. Friday, March 9, at the cemetery in Lower Merion.

“The men emigrated from Ireland in 1832. They were hired off the docks in Philadelphia to work as laborers building a railroad from Philadelphia to Columbia in Lancaster County. They were working to fill a valley on the train route in East Whiteland when they came down with cholera. All died.

“Researchers were able to uncover some remains, including that of a woman. The mass grave they searched for was declared to be unreachable in October 2011.

“The men were buried at their work camp. The track bed for the railroad was built above them. It is believed the remains are about 30 feet underground and too close to existing Amtrak tracks to be reached.” (Daily Times, Delaware County, PA. “Memorial for 1832 Irish immigrants in mass grave at Duffy’s Cut set for March 9.” 2-27-2012.)

PBS: “Death on the Railroad is a classic story involving foul play, cover ups, a murder mystery and a voyage of discovery to understand what happened to a group of Irish men who came to America for a better life but found only misery. In 1832, railroad contractor, Philip Duffy, hired 57 Irish immigrants to lay railroad tracks in West Chester, Pennsylvania. But, less than two months after their arrival, all 57 were dead. Did they all die – as was widely believed – due to a cholera pandemic? Or, were some of them murdered? In 2003, twin brothers discovered a secret file among their grandfather’s papers that led them to investigate the deaths of these men and find the location of their final resting place in a valley now known as Duffy’s Cut. Using the latest forensic and scientific investigative techniques, DNA, forensic analysis, facial reconstruction and historical detective work in Ireland and the USA, modern detectives and experts will unravel this extraordinary story.” (PBS. Secrets of the Dead. “Death on the Railroad. About This Episode.” 5-2-1013.)

Pittsburgh:

Oct 22-23: “It appears from the report of the Board of Health this fatal disease has reached our western city. On the 22d ult. they reported one case, and on the 23d three cases; of which three terminated fatally, and one was remaining in the hospital.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg. “Cholera at Pittsburg.” 11-13-1832, 3.)

Oct 22-26: “Pittsburg. One case of cholera appeared on the 22d ult. And the board of health reported three cases and two deaths on the 23d. But the hospital physicians made a cheering report on the 26^th – and no case of cholera had been reported for the preceding 24 hours.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-3-1832, 149.)

Nov 10 report: “Pittsburg. No further cases of cholera have been reported.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, 171.)

Rhode Island:

July 17, 1832: “New York sent cholera to Newport, R I., by July 17^th…” (Peters. 1885, 24.)

South Carolina:

Oct 30-Nov 7: “Charleston. The brig Amelia, of New York, on her way to New Orleans, with 108 persons on board, mechanics and laborers, was stranded on Folly Island, on the 30^th ult. A short time after leaving New York, the cholera appeared on board the brig, and 20 deaths occurred at sea. Every attention and relief was given to them by Mr. Milne, the owner of Folly Island, and aid sent from Charleston, the deputy port physician attending, and he was followed by two other medical gentlemen. The disease spread upon the island, and a considerable number of persons were attacked. The intendant of Charleston had posted a guard on the island, to prevent all intercourse with the main land, unless by his written permission. Liberal means, however, were furnished for the relief of the sick.

“A seaman died in Charleston on the 4^th inst. of the cholera. It is stated by the board of health that he had visited the Amelia, and mixed with the passengers and crew ashore – that he was extremely intemperate, had had slept in wet clothes, &c. the board express an opinion that the disease was contracted on board the Amelia – and hence believe that it has a contagious character. Several cases had happened among the colored people of Folly Island.”\

“We have an address of H. L. Pinckney, esq. intendant of Charleston, on this subject. He states that several wreckers had died of the cholera – and that eight sick persons were in the hospital on the island. The city council, ‘fully sensible of the responsibility incurred,’ had ordered that the wreck of the Amelia should be destroyed by fire, and directed the intendant to carry the order into execution – and the vessel was destroyed accordingly on the 7^th inst. It appears, however, that only one case had yet happened in the city – in the person of the seaman alluded to in the preceding paragraph, and that very active measures had been taken to prevent or check the progress of the disease.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “The Cholera.” V43, 11-17-1832, 178.)

Nov 9: “Charleston. The intendant, in an address to the citizens, on the 9^th inst. says that ten new cases of cholera had appeared on Folly Island, which were not confined to the passengers of the Amelia – but in persons who had never visited the brig, one of them a member of the city guard – intimating that the guard had become disaffected and resolved to leave the island; on which a reinforcement had been sent, with orders that the whole should remain, until relieved. The address says –

In addition to these measures, however, an application was made to col. Heilman, the U.S. officer commanding this station, for a portion of the troops under his command. Col. H. declined compliance with this request, upon the ground that he has no authority to make such a disposition of his men, but he very cheerfully agreed to furnish us with guard boats, and to assist us in that way in the arrest of individuals who might escape from the island, and in the prevention of intercourse between the island and the city.

It is proper to state, in conjunction with these matters, that information was received yesterday of the escape and return to the city, of two men who had been sent to the island in consequence of the violation of the quarantine law, and that the knowledge of this fact was the principal ground of the application made to col. H. – Measures were immediately taken for the arrest of the men above alluded to. One of them named Speedlove, was arrested, and sent back yesterday afternoon. The other named Wyse, has not yet been discovered; but proper officers are in pursuit of him, and I have, moreover, offered a reward of fifty dollars for his apprehension, so that he may be sent back to the island, and compelled to submit to the laws which he has thus twice most daringly an shamefully infringed.

In view of all these circumstances, and strongly convinced of the necessity of increased vigilance and exertion to prevent the introduction of cholera into the city, the committee have instructed me to say, that they not only have made, an will continue to make every effort in their power to prevent any intercourse between the island and the city and particularly the premature return of any of the individuals now residing at the former, but that at the present aspect of affairs (having some reason to doubt the efficiency, if not the fidelity of the guard – knowing that two men escaped yesterday, one of whom is now amongst us – and well knowing, also, the strong and prevailing anxiety of the passengers and crew of the Amelia to leave the island, and that some of them are even disposed to make desperate efforts to escape), it has become necessary to appeal for aid, in the enforcement of the laws, to the patriotism and public spirit of our citizens.

For this purpose, application has been made to several public spirited citizens, to act as leaders in their respective wards, and to organize guards to be put on duty this night. The great object of this service is to guard the wharves, and all other points of access to the city, with a view to the detection and arrest of any and every persons who may possibly have succeeded in effecting his escape from Folly Island. The gentlemen applied to, have cheerfully consented to act – the wharves will be guarded by a sufficient number of patriotic citizens this night – and the same arrangement will be continued for as many nights as circumstances may require. I say will be continued, because I am sure, there can be no difficulty, in a matter so eminently involving the public welfare, to procure the assistance, for a few nights of as many of our citizens as may be wanted for this laudable and honorable service.

“The address further states, that since the wreck of the Amelia, 42 cases and 15 deaths had happened on the island, including the wreckers. It expresses a hope that, the vessel being burned, ‘all the infections matter in the wreck has been destroyed,’ &c. A postscript announces eight new cases and two deaths on the island, for the last 24 hours – that the ‘guard had removed to the other end of the island, notwithstanding the prohibition to the contrary, leaving the island in a comparatively unprotected state,’ &c.

“We have thus, in extenso, noticed the address of the intendant, Mr. Pinckney – and hope, earnestly hope, that our late brother editor may ‘nullify’ the cholera, and prevent its ravages in Charleston, by the energy which he has displayed. But we cannot believe that it is an infectious disease.

“At Folly Island, there were 6 cases and 2 deaths on the 10^th; 4 cases and 5 deaths on the 11^th; and no cases nor deaths on the 12^th.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 201.)

Tennessee:

Oct 23 report: “On the Mississippi and Ohio. The Memphis paper (on the Mississippi) of October 23, says of the cholera,

The melancholy task has at last devolved upon us, of announcing to our readers and the public, the arrival of the dreadful disease in our town. The first case with which we were visited was brought on board the steamboat Experiment, from Louisville, which arrived at our landing on Sunday morning, 14^th ult. The patient (Mr. Kendrick) was on his return from Philadelphia, to his residence in St. Francis county, Arkansas territory, about 40 miles from this place. He landed about eight o’clock, A.M. complained throughout the day of a slight indisposition – supped heartily, and retired to bed at the usual hour; was attacked violently about 12 o’clock that night, and died before 10 o’clock next morning.

On Thursday following the steamer Constitution passed down from Trinity, touched at our landing, having on board seven cases, one of which, Mrs. Irons, was landed, and immediately conveyed to our hospital, where she received every attention, but in vain – she died in about 12 hours after landing.

Eight or ten deaths occurred on board the Freedom before she arrived at this place. As yet we have had no local case.”

(Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, 172.)

Nov 24 report: “Several ‘suspicious’ cases appeared in Nashville, and, since then, some ‘decided’ ones of cholera.” (Niles’ Weekly Reg. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 201.)

“It is stated…that the cholera has appeared among the Indians encamped on the hills near Memphis. We suppose they are the emigrating Choctaws.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 12-1-1832, 226.)

Vermont — Burlington – June 17-18, 1832:

Thompson: “Early in June, 1832, that most dreadful disease, the Asiatic cholera, made its first appearance on this side of the Atlantic…producing a universal panic throughout the country…. Although the alarm was very great in Vermont, on the appearance of the cholera in Canada, but few fatal cases occurred within the State, and these were mostly confined to the towns along lake Champlain. In Burlington there were only four deaths by the cholera, three of these on the 17^th and 18^th of June, and the last on the 24^th of August, and the whole number of fatal cases of the disease within the State did not exceed 10 or 12.” (Thompson 1842, History of Vermont, p. 221.)

July 1832 elsewhere: “During the month of July the cholera made its appearance in different places in the U.S. at Burlington, Vt., Detroit, MI, Pittsburgh, PA, Newark, N.J., New Haven, Conn., Brookfield, Mass.” (OH Repository, “History and Progress of the Cholera.” Sep 6, 1833)

Virginia

Sep 8 report: “Norfolk and Portsmouth. The disease has much declined at these places, and hopes were entertained that it would soon disappear. A case now and then happens, but the gross amount of interments is said not to exceed the usual number.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 9-8-1832, 24.)

Sep 22 report: “Norfolk. The first case of cholera appeared in this borough on the 24^th July. During 8 weeks to September 11, there were 453 deaths from all diseases – of these 100 in white, and 300 in colored persons, were caused by the cholera. The whites were chiefly persons but little known – but one business man fell a victim to this disease; and only 8 or 10 of any distinction in the community, and these, it is said, by neglect of the symptoms, or previous debility.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.)

Sep 29 report: “Virginia, generally. The disease has been very severe at Hampton and Smithfield, &c. with a few cases at Petersburg, and at Kampsville, Charlestown, &c.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 9-29-1832, 71.)

Oct 3 report, Norfolk: “A letter from Norfolk published in the Charleston Patriot, contains the following remarks, in accounting for the fatality of the Cholera among persons of color. They are corroborated by information from oilier sources:

Extract of a letter from Norfolk, (Va.)

“The poor Negroes have indeed suffered here; they would not, and they will not nurse each other — you cannot compel them, unless you are with them constantly. They looked aghast at you if you offered to hire, or persuade them to attend a sick brother; and yet they are so perverse that not one in ten (although daily admonished and entreated) will let

their owners know they have any symptoms, until they are stricken with the worst features of the complaint, and it is too late to save them. They will not give up one hearty meal — they will run the risk of their lives in preference. It is the custom with negroes generally, to put up food all day long, and eat enormously very late at night. This collection (in the present state of the atmosphere) by the time they are ready to eat it, being in a state of fermation, they cram themselves literally full, for ‘they live to eat,’ and if quite warm will go into the open air, dew, or tumble down where they eat, and sleep so soundly, that though the disease commences in a few minutes, they sleep on until death has done his work – and they only wake up die! Three fourths of those who have died here, have gone off in that way – their whole manner of living (with which you are as well acquainted as I am) is the reason of so much greater fatality among them than of whites.” (Sandusky Clarion, OH. 10-3-1832, 2.)

Oct 13 report: “Charlestown, Va. Many deaths had taken place in the vicinity of this town – five of the household of maj. John Peter – his sister, son, and 3 servants, had died of the cholera in a few hours.

Oct 20 report: “Richmond. The epidemic has much abated in this city – but a good many colored persons were yet victims of it there, and in the neighborhood. Petersburg. Solitary cases still happen in this town.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress…Cholera,” V43, 10-20-1832, 117.)

Oct 27 report: “In Virginia. The cholera has appeared with great malignancy in Northumberland county, Virginia. In some cases, whole families were swept off. In another eight out of ten persons attacked speedily died. The victims were chiefly colored persons.

“A number of new cases had occurred at Richmond, because of imprudence in diet. But the disease has so much abated that the hospitals have been closed, &c.

“The ‘Compiler’ offers an estimate of the deaths by the cholera at Richmond – the amount is put down at 450: 97 whites, the rest colored – of the whole 89 were paupers – 6 of the public guard, out of 26 cases. In addition, there were 137 cases in the penitentiary, 29 of which terminated fatally.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 10-27-1832, 132.)

Nov 6 report: “About four hundred and fifty persons have died by Cholera in Richmond since the disease broke out in that city. Twenty nine of the convicts in the Penitentiary died of the same disease and are not included in the number first stated.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. 11-6-1832, 4.)

Nov 11 report: “Petersburg. On the 2^nd inst. [Nov] this town was ‘entirely free’ of the cholera.” (Niles’ Weekly Register, Baltimore. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, 171.)

West Virginia[173]

Aug 25-31. “At Harper’s Ferry the Irish laborers have suffered severely, and it is stated on respectable authority, that eight deaths occurred in one day during the present week. Some of he contractors on the canal have abandoned their work, in consequence of their inability to keep the workmen together.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “The Cholera.” 9-1-1832, 2.)

Sep 15 report: “The cholera has raged dreadfully among the laborers on the Ohio and Chesapeake canal, in the neighborhood of Harper’s Ferry. As many as six persons are said to have been lying dead, at one time, in a single shantee, — while in others the dead and the dying were mixed in awful confusion. Many had abandoned their employments and fled – and some of these were attacked on the roads, and died in the fence corners! The habits and exposures of these poor people fit them for the reception of the cholera, and their accommodations for the sick are wretched and scanty, indeed – for they are crowded in temporary sheds, and badly supplied even with the most common necessaries of life. The laborers are chiefly Irishmen.” (Niles Weekly Register, V. 43, “Progress of the Cholera,” 15 Sep 1832, 44.)

Sep 22 report: “The disease yet prevails severely on the line or in the neighborhood of the Chesapeake and Ohio canal, about Harper’s Ferry, &c. and at Sharpsburg, Md. The panic was awful, and the sufferings of the people, chiefly newly arrived foreigners, exceedingly distressing. The bodies of many laid on the roads unburied for days – being abandoned by their late relatives or associates.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress in the Cholera.” V43, 9-22-1832, 52.)

Oct 4 report, Halltown: “Charlestown, Va [WV]., Oct. 4. Awful Mortality. – It becomes our duty this day to make a most appalling record of ‘Death’s Doings’ in our neighborhood. – The desolating malady which has swept over our country, has no where been more fatal in its career, than at Halltown, four miles east of this place.[174] Since Sunday, the 23d ult. There have been sixteen deaths by Cholera in a population not exceeding 100 souls.

“In the family of Maj. Peter, its ravages have been heart-rending. Five of his household have been cu off: his sister, Miss Elizabeth Peter, his son Thomas, and three of his servants. Seldom has it fallen to the lot of one man to drink so deeply at a single draught of the cup of affliction. On Tuesday morning he left his beloved sister and son in their usual health, and while in Charlestown received the news of their alarming illness. Medical aid was promptly obtained, but the work of death was too surely planned. In five hours the fatal shafts were sped. And yesterday, he accompanied them both to the tomb!

“Mr. Daniel Allstadt, a young man of 20, was among the victims and the others were principally workmen on the road. – Several of the citizens are yet down with the disease, but are convalescent.

“We question whether a similar instance of mortality, in so small a population, has yet been recorded. All the workmen on that part of the road, except 8 or 10, have fled from this favorite resting-place of the Destroying Angel. – Free Press.” (Star and Republican Banner, Gettysburg, PA. “Awful Mortality.” 10-16-1832, 1.)

Oct 13 report: “Charlestown, Va [now WV]. Many deaths had taken place in the vicinity of this town – five of the household of maj. John Peter – his sister, son, and 3 servants, had died of the cholera in a few hours.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 10-13-1832, 104.)

Oct 27 report: “Wheeling. The cholera has appeared in this town – so says a letter dated October 23 – but up to the 27^th there had been only 5 deaths, in all.

“Kanawha. The disease has broken out at the salt works, and three colored persons had swiftly died of it.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-3-1832, 149.)

Nov 24 report: “Several cases of cholera are said to have happened at Martinsburg. A few also in Kanawha.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera,” V43, 11-24-1832, 201.)

United States Army

McClellan: “While cholera was creeping along the routes of travel in New York State, and before the disease had advanced beyond the line of the North River, a body of troops, destined for the Black Hawk war, had been, placed upon a steamboat at Buffalo, N. Y. Unfortunately, this boat had been engaged in the transportation of emigrants prior to her being chartered by the United States.

“Through the kindness of the Adjutant-General of the Army we have been permitted access to the original reports of General Scott, commanding the Army of the Northwest, and from them are able to abstract a complete history of the distribution of cholera during the year throughout the northwestern portion of the United States.

“July 1, the battalions of Lieut. Col. D. E. Twiggs and Major Payne, consisting of three companies of artillery and four of recruits for the Fourth United States Infantry, embarked at Buffalo, N. Y., on the steamboat Henry Clay. This command had left New York City on the 23d of June, had passed through Albany on the 24th, and had continued the journey at once for Buffalo. The boat was, however, detained at Buffalo by unfavorable winds until the morning of the 3d, when she proceeded upon the voyage. The next day cholera occurred among the troops, and upon arrival in the Detroit River two fatal cases had occurred. The authorities of Detroit ordered the steamer to proceed two miles up the river and to anchor off Hog Island. July 5, General Scott reports that he had ordered Surgeon Everett, with full supplies, to the aid of Assistant Surgeon Kerr, who had been, until then, the only medical officer on board the Henry Clay. The troops then on the Sheldon Thompson were General Scott and staff, six companies of artillery from Fortress Monroe, and two companies of the Second Infantry, commanded by Colonels Eustis, Crane, and Worth.

“July 7, Colonel Twiggs reports that, on this the third day of the epidemic, he had lost four men; that eight were in a dying state, and that the disease, in a most malignant type, was spreading rapidly; that he had landed his command within a mile of Fort Gratiot, and that every effort was being made to prevent the disease from spreading.

“July 8, Colonel Twiggs reports that the steamer Henry Clay had left that morning; the crew refusing to do anything but to take the boat back. “The deaths up to this time are nine, including two of the steamboat men. Without some great change, this command, or a great portion of it, must be sacrificed.”

“July 9, Colonel Twiggs reports that nine fatal cases had occurred since his report the previous day, including the first officer who had been attacked, Lieutenant Clay, Fourth United States Infantry, and that Dr. Everett is now sick with cholera. “When I landed here I had with me four companies of the finest looking recruits I have seen for many years. The panic is so great among them that the desertions have reduced the number to sixty-eight. It is reported that many of them (deserters) are dying on the roads”….

July 12, Major Payne reports Colonel Twiggs as convalescent, and that Dr. Everett had been violently attacked, and was not expected to recover; that the steamboat Superior had arrived and transferred her passengers to the William Penn; the latter steamer starting at once for Chicago. “A schooner, loaded with ordnance and ordnance stores, is in the stream opposite the camp, with the captain dead of cholera, and three of the crew dangerously ill. Of the two hundred and eight recruits for the Fourth Infantry, one hundred and thirty deserted, and of them a large number have died in the country.”

“July 16, Major Payne reports the death of Dr. Everett of cholera. This gentleman was medical director of General Scott’s army. At this date thirty-nine cholera deaths had occurred….” (McClellan “A History of the Travels of Asiatic Cholera…In North America,” 1875, 569-571)

Niles’ Nov 10: “Six companies of U.S. troops, returning from their expedition against the Indians under Black Hawk, arrived at Richmond on Monday, on their way to Fortress Monroe [VA]. The Whig states that the cholera had woefully thinned their ranks – one half or more of their original number having died.” (Niles’ Weekly Register. “Progress of the Cholera.” V43, 11-10-1832, 172.)

Causes and Cures:

Alcohol:

July: Letter to the Mayor and Common Council of the City of Troy, by Nathan S. S. Beman, July 1832, printed in the Troy Press and reprinted in the Huron Reflector.

“Gentlemen….My own views [are that the cholera is] non-contagious….With these remarks of approbation for what has been done [quarantine, cleansing measures], I am prepared to invite your attention, and that of the community, to some additional measures for the preservation of the lives and health of our citizens which are loudly called for, and which, if adopted and carried into effect, could not fail of securing the most happy results. I shall mention but two things—one is the adoption of immediate and efficient means to suppress nocturnal dissipations, and the other, some new regulations in relation to the retailing of ardent spirits.

“These two things are generically the same, but I separate them in this discussion, because different views may be entertained by different individuals respecting the powers of a city corporation to interfere in the two cases.

“In relation to the first point, there can be no doubt that our city authorities ought, at all times, and especially at such a time as this, to keep a vigilant eye upon the scenes which take place at night so far as they come within the purview of the law. To say nothing of morals the public health depends much on attention to this matter. There are houses in this city where large numbers assemble for drinking and dissipation; and sometimes a considerable part of the night is spent in this manner. Assemblages of noisy and drinking men in the streets have not been unfrequent, even since the alarm respecting the Cholera, and some things have recently occurred of this character of which my own eyes and ears have been witness that can be accounted for on no other principle than that the persons concerned were making extra and special efforts to quell those apprehensions which had been excited by the impressive acts of Providence!

“Persons who hurry into excess and dissipation, become the first victims of the cholera. This fact is written in letters of blood on every page of its sad history in Asia and Europe. It is woven into many a shroud – inscribed upon the lids of ten thousand coffins — and might form the appropriate

inscription upon an equal number of tombstones! If the sons of pleasure and self-indulgence will

not take warning, THEY MUST DIE! —

“But if in any of their modes of self destruction, they violate the laws, and endanger the health of the community, then let the guardians of the public weal restrain them from inflicting wounds upon themselves and others. Quiet and temperate citizens have a right o claim protection at your hands in this respect; and as one of that number this protection I do now publicly claim. If a man may not fire his own dwelling because the kindling conflagration may consume the habitation, and destroy the family of his neighbor, neither may he be allowed to hand additional fearfulness around ‘the terror by night’ — nor dip in still deeper venom ‘the arrow that flyeth by day.’ It is neither his moral nor legal right to impart fresh malignancy to ‘the pestilence that walketh in darkness’ nor furnish with more rapid pinions ‘the destruction that wasteth at noon-day.’

“The second point to which I would call your attention relates to the retailing of ardent spirits. I have said that some new regulations ought to be adopted in relation to this business; and the remark was made with deliberation, and under a deep conviction, too, of the difficulties and embarrassments which may attend the adoption of any efficient plan for the accomplishment of the object I propose. To obviate objections, and to place the whole subject, in all its relations, before you, will require some labor on my part, and, I fear, not a little patience on yours. The conclusions to which I would conduct you, and the process by which I arrive at those conclusions may be stated in the following manner:

“The Cholera is a disease principally dependant for its existence and malignancy on the use of ardent spirits – the retail establishments furnish the grand incentives to the use of these liquors, in our cities – and it is the duty of our municipal authorities to take immediate and efficient measures in relation to these sewers of disease.

“With respect to the first declaration that the Cholera is a disease principally dependent for its existence and malignancy on the use of ardent spirits, I shall not deal in speculation, but rest the whole matter on well authenticated and recorded facts. On this point we have the concurrent testimony of most of the physicians who have had the opportunity of observing the progress of this disease in Asia, Europe and America. Dr. Ricche informs us that in China, ‘The disease selected its victims from among such of the people as live in filth and intemperance.’

“Ramohun Fingee, the famous Indian doctor says, that ‘people who do not take spirits or opium, do not catch this disorder, even when they are with those who have it.’ In the army under the command of the Marquis of Hastings, in India, consisting of 18,000 men, more than 9,000 died in the first twelve days. And every one knows, that soldiers, and especially in warm climates, are notorious for their habits of intemperance.

“Dr. Joenichin of Moscow declares that ‘drunkenness, debauchery, bad food, and personal indiscretions, were indubitably its predisposing causes.’ Monsieur Huber who saw 2,160 persons perish in twenty-five days, (more than 86 a day,) in one town in Russia, says, ‘It is a most remarkable circumstance that persons given to drinking have been swept away like flies. In Tiflis, containing 20,000 inhabitants, every drunkard has fallen! All are dead – not one remains!’

“A physician of Warsaw states that ‘the disease spared all those who led regular lives and resided in healthy situations; whereas they whose constitutions had been broken down by excess and dissipation were invariably attacked. Out of one hundred individuals destroyed by the cholera, it was proved that ninety had been addicted to the free use of spirituous liquors.’ It is stated that ‘after the decline of the epidemic at Riga, the occurrence of the Whitsun holidays caused a temporary augmentation of new cases from the indulgence in intoxicating drinks and other irregularities incident to a popular’ (religious?) ‘festival.’

“Dr. Becker, whose extensive experience entitles his opinion to deep respect, has recorded this caution, “Above all things avoid intemperance, which at Berlin, as every where else, has been found to render its votaries the first victims to this distinctive pestilence.’

“The London Medical Gazette remarks that ‘intemperance gives a claim to the pestilence which it never overlooks. In every town and every district, from the Ganges to the Wear [river, England], the drunkard has been the object of its most ruthless visitation.’ The London Morning Herald observes, that ‘The same preference for the intemperate and uncleanly has characterized the Cholera every where. Intemperance is a qualification which it never overlooks. Often has it passed harmless over a wide population of temperate country people, and poured down as an overflowing scourge upon the drunkards of some distant town.’ The Edinburgh Board of Health say, ‘Experience has shown that the most essential precaution for escaping the disease is sobriety, — that intoxication during the prevalence of the epidemic is almost sure to be followed by an attack, and that those addicted to drink are the most subject to cholera and the most likely to sink under it.’

“The Journal of Humanity states that ‘In Poland nine-tenths of those who died of the cholera were known to be brandy drinkers. In Paris the victims of the disease were with few exceptions among the lower classes, all of whom drank intoxicating liquors to excess.

“In Montréal, after 1200 had been attacked, a Montreal paper says, ‘not a drunkard who has been attacked has recovered of the disease, and almost all the victims have been at least moderate drinkers.’

“Dr. Thomas Sewall of Washington city, tells us that ‘The epicure and the intemperate have no safety but in a speedy and thorough reformation. Wherever cholera has prevailed, it has invariably sought out the glutton, the drunkard and the dissolute, and made them its earliest victims. Total abstinence from all fermented liquors should be observed.’ ‘Cholera,’ says Dr. Bronson, in a letter from Montreal, ‘has pleaded the cause of temperance most eloquently and with tremendous effect. The habitual use of ardent spirit in the smallest quantity seldom fails to invite the cholera, and to render it incurable when it takes place. Five-sixths of all who have fallen by the disease, in England, it is computed, were taken from the ranks of the intemperate and dissolute.’ Dr. Rhinelander of the city of New York, who had an opportunity of witnessing the cholera in Montreal, recommends ‘entire abstinence from spirituous liquors.’ ‘Temperance,’ says he, ‘in every shape is the great preventive. We may ask who are its victims? I answer, the intemperate — it invariably cuts them off.’

“The opinions of the two last named gentlemen ought to be recorded by the side of the recommendation of brandy by another physician, as a preventive for the cholera. How any physician who understands the theory of his own profession, or who has glanced an eye at the state of facts, in relation to this disease, could hazard such an opinion is to me unaccountable. If a doctor wished employment for physicians, coffin makers and grave diggers, the united inspiration of ingenuity and the Muses, could not dictate a more happy sentence than the one he has written. Facts might be multiplied till this article would expand into a volume; but it is unnecessary. The above are enough; and from them it is perfectly safe to conclude that from five-sixths to nine-tenths of the destructive power of the cholera is generated by ardent sprits. This is a moderate calculation….

“The cholera, since August 1817 – the period of 15 years – has swept off Fifty Millions of the human race; upwards of one-sixteenth of the population of the whole world. In Jessore [India], where it originated, it destroyed one-tenth of the inhabitants. In the city of Benzares [?], 15,000 people died. In the Isle of France one statement says, 20,000 died in six weeks, or nearly one fourth of the population; another statement places it at 7000, or nearly one-twelfth. In the capital of Siam 40,000 of the inhabitants died, and in the Island of Java 100,000. Wherever this scourge has gone, it has marked its way with death. When it commences, no human foresight can predict its termination. Neither does one visit afford any security against future ravages. Calcutta has been visited fourteen times since 1817.

“This pestilence has commenced its fearful work in our land; and what the end will be, remains for time to reveal. Wisdom and benevolence, however, unite in the sentiment that every measure ought to be adopted which furnishes a reasonable prospect of staying its desolations, and of restoring and preserving health among the people. The facts recorded in this communication, and a thousand others of a kindred character which might be presented, tell us in language loud and impressive, that the cholera is greatly dependent on the use of spirits for existence and nutriment. Do everything else but dry up the fountain of mischief, and the stream of death will continue to flow! Measures of prevention become a duty only as they have the power to reach the evil; and nothing but a diminution of the use of ardent spirits, has this power. On this point, facts cannot be resisted. Five-sixths, if not nine-tenths of the amazing amount of evil lies here, and no where else. If any thing effectual is to be done, let the effort commence at the central point.

“Where is the wisdom of a government that exhausts its forces in intercepting and culling off a few stragglers from the enemy’s camp, while the main army is permitted to march through the very heart of the land? What wise physician will spend his time in paring the nails of his patient, or in binding up a scratch upon his finger, while death is seizing upon his vitals? And such are the efforts which have hitherto been made by way of prevention to resist the progress of the cholera. Our civil authorities have plucked off the leaves, and removed some of the extreme branches from this…evil, but they have not laid the ax, or begun to deal their blows, at the root of the tree! Other measures, in my judgement, are a mere mockery while this is neglected.—

“Should it be said, that our city authorities have no power to prohibit the sale of spirits by the small measure, I would reply, that such a regulation is in perfect keeping with what they have already done….Why is it lawful to establish a quarantine, and stop vessels, and plant sentinels on the highway, and conduct men into quarters, merely because they come from a particular city or district of country? On what principle may the citizens be required, on severe penalties, to remove from their cellars, yards and outhouses, all articles that might generate pestilence? I answer the public safely requires it. And all this may be done with the prospect of disarming the cholera of one-sixth or one-tenth part of its power to destroy! And shall it be said that the legalized fountains of pollution – the source and centre of a vast and proportionate amount of the mischief can neither be drained off nor sealed up? Is this then our condition? Shall it be said that every thing may be done but the very thing that ought to be done? Shall we say in relation to the disease and the legal efforts which are employed to arrest its progress, you may evaporate the

drops, but you must not annihilate the ocean? You may divert the rills but the broad and black stream of pestilence must be permitted to pursue, unmolested, its onward course?….The profit of vending, or the pleasure of drinking is not, for a moment, to be regarded when the lives of thousands are at stake.

“If the same charge of generating cholera could be fixed upon a tan-yard, a slaughter-pen or a fish-pond…the legal arm would remove them at once; and the question would never be asked how much sacrifice of pleasure would be sustained by the owner of the fish-pond, or of money by the owner of the tan-yard or slaughter pen. Pleasure and money are not to be weighed against human life….

“In the sentiments advanced in this paper I am not entirely alone. The Editor of The Journal of Humanity has given a few pertinent suggestions on this subject, under date of July the 5th. ‘Of what avail’ he asks, ‘is it to remove external filth, or to pave the streets with chloride of lime, while rum, twin brother to the cholera, is sold by hogsheads at every corner? Why make clean the outside, when pollution rages within. Is it not perfectly plain that these dangerous places should be attended to? Ought not the sale of intoxicating drink to be forbidden by law? The public safety evidently requires it. If the government has a right to enforce quarantine laws, or to send a man to the hospital without his consent, have they not the same right to interpose in such a case as the present? We believe they have, and would respectfully suggest the propriety of her exercising that right’….” (Huron Reflector, Norwalk, OH. “The Cholera.” 9-4-1832, p. 1.)

Alcohol:

“From the Albany Temperance Recorder.

“One of the persons who has been for some months engaged in digging down the clay banks in the city of Albany, had had in his employ during the summer, about 60 men. This man has not furnished his laborers with ardent spirits, but by example and persuasion has endeavored to influence them to observe strictly the principles of total abstinence, and not without success. Most of his men have families, who number in the aggregate not far from 500 souls. The result of the course of conduct has been that among those laborers and their families there has been no death by cholera, and only one of attack, the wives and children of those employed have been comfortably provided with food and clothing; and while others of different habits have sickened and died, these have enjoyed uniform health and prosperity.

“Another person engaged in the same business has employed 25 men, who with their families number about 125 souls. This man kept a grocery near the place of his labor, and permitted his men to use ardent spirit as often as they pleased. Before he commenced his grocery, he was prosperous in his business & had acquired a handsome property. During the season five of his men have died with the cholera, he himself has entirely failed in business, and his property has been sold to pay his creditors.” (Republican Compiler, Gettysburg, PA. “Striking Contrast.” 11-20-1832, 2.)

Sep 4 letter to editor on malt liquor (beer): “From the Baltimore Republican. To the Public.

“Mr. Harker,

“Dear Sir. — Through your kindness, I ask the favour of submitting a few remarks on the subject of Malt Liquors, also copies of several letters from several respectable brewers of Philadelphia, New York, and Poughkeepsie on the North River, to one in this city with reference to the effect of the Cholera on those engaged in the brewing business, and the regular consumers of malt liquors, in those places where the Cholera has made such alarming ravages.

“1^st. We would observe that in all parts of Europe where malt liquor is not the common beverage, the Cholera has committed the greatest ravages, and it is to be hoped that the candid reader after making the necessary enquiry will be satisfied on this point. We now travel into England and altho’ there is immense liquors consumed, yet it is a fact, that the English people are more accustomed to the use of malt liquors, than any other in the world, and some time it was published in the London papers that amongst all those engaged in the breweries, not one person had died with the cholera. Passing from Europe we next find it seated in Quebec and Montreal, and when it reached those cities, gloom and dismay was depicted in every face, some fearing the dreadful scourge and the consequence that would follow in regard to their families and affairs, others buoyed up by hope, the kindest and sweetest of all earthly comforts, that the climate and situation of our country would prove a barrier to its effects and prey. Before I proceed I will state in the above named cities, malt liquors are but little known or consumed, after partially leaving those places , it found its way to the city of New York, and this being the largest city in the Union, it would appear that he wished to demonstrate to the rest his mighty terrors by scattering in death, misery and dismay, the inhabitants in every direction. We next find it in Philadelphia, and we here take occasion to state that they are the greatest consumers of malt liquors in this country, and we find after the Cholera made its appearance, many of the most eminent physicians recommended the use of porter and ale, and we find it was introduced into their hospitals and for the use of the board of health, and now we come to our beloved city, the situation and latitude of which was considered by many, and wished by all, to be as a wall of protection around us, but we were mistaken, for like the owl passing through the shades of night, unseen until we find him in our midst, he is seated here, and it would appear although he has travelled from nation to nation and from city to city he has not forgot the mode of his operation; he commenced on our citizens without ceremony, and we all know the result.

“Philadelphia, Sept. 4, 1832.

“Mr. Samuel Lucas:

“Dear Sir – Yours of August 28^th, I have received. With regard to the cholera, I can assure you not a man in the employ of any brewer, in the city or county of Philadelphia, has died with the cholera. Our own men have taken as usual their drinks of porter and ale. For myself I have made free use of porter for the last 2 months, and continue so to do. I have also supplied some of our most eminent physicians with it since the commencement of the cholera. I have also supplied several of the hospitals, and the board of health. Hospital No. 5, has this moment called for their bills, having closed the establishment….Should the cholera attack any of the Brewer’s men in New York, I think I should have heard of it. My own dray men have delivered liquor in every part of this city, and always felt secure. I am, very respectfully, yours, R. & S. Gray.

“Mr.____

“Dear Sir: At a meeting of the brewers of Philadelphia, held last evening, I was directed to forward you the following copies of letters received from Mr. W. Vassar, of Poughkeepsie and Mr. Samuel Milbank, of New York, in answer to inquiries made by us respecting the subject contained in yours of the 9. ult. To Messrs. Gray’s of this city.

“Poughkeepsie, 10^th Sept. 1832.

“Mr. Wm. S. Perot:

“…having some two or three weeks before instituted a similar inquiry amongst the brewers of this state, and from all the information obtained have not been able to hear of a single case of Cholera, or even the premonitory symptoms amongst those engaged in the brewing business.

“There are 30 or 40 families in this village and vicinity, all of whom have for many years been accustomed to the use of malt liquors as their common beverage, and use it instead of tea and coffee, and during the great mortality in this place not one of them had been attacked.

“I am happy to hear that the brewers are beginning to be awake to this important subject. The majority of our most eminent physicians advocate our articles as being the best and most wholesome beverage for the common purposes of life, and during the existence of the epidemic. They why should the trade quietly yield their rights to a few misguided and self-conceited quacks; who have taken upon themselves to become the guardians of public health, palming off certain dogmas in regimen and differing among themselves as widely in their preventative nostrums, as they do in the nature and treatment of the disease.

“I remain, respectfully, (signed) J. N. Vassar.”

“New York, Sept 12, 1832.

“Mr. W. S. Perot:

“Dear Sir: Your favour of the 5^th inst. came duly to hand and contents noticed. Agreeably to your wish I sent to 12 and myself, making 13 brewers in this city, and 1 in Brooklyn, who compose the whole, except here and there a scattering one in small breweries about the outskirts of the city, and from their written replies to the questions put to them in regard to the effects of the cholera among themselves, or the men in their respective employments, I am happy to say that there has not been even the premonitory symptoms, one of them but little indisposed, being at his work the next day, and the other more unwell. The doctor who attended the latter gave it as is opinion that his sickness was brought on by over fatigue, loss of rest, &c. in attending on his sick wife an young child a few months old, as he could not for sometime procure a nurse. This man and his family are no in good health.

“I would just remark that I consider the whole of the 14 communications which I hold…as conclusive, and am of opinion that there has been as much malt liquor drank by the men, and their families since the prevalence of the cholera as heretofore. For my own part, I should be pleased to see this subject brought before the public in a very candid manner, and if it can be proved that we are manufacturing a beverage which is injurious to our fellow citizens, it is time for us to know the fact – and if so, then let it go down – but if it is the reverse, then we as a body are not entitled to be saddled with the losses in the trade, we are now burdened with.

“(signed) Samuel Milbank.”

“….Before we close, and now that the cholera is leaving us, state that we are happy to inform the public that not only in England but in this country so far as we have heard, met a man employed in any brewery has died with the cholera, and we are of opinion that no regular consumer of malt liquors unconnected with other causes has died. We know that in rules there are exceptions, and there is no effect without a cause, but from the information before us we are firm in the belief that if there is a preservative for the cholera, it will be found in the regular use of malt liquor…. Brewers.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “Malt Liquors and the Cholera.” 10-13-1832, 3.)

……..

“From the Baltimore Chronicle. Messrs Leakin & Barnes: — by giving the following letter and remarks an insertion, you will oblige, your, &c.

“Baltimore, Sept. 4^th, 1832.

“Sirs: I observed a few days ago a communication from some of the brewers of our country, controverting the opinion entertained by some physicians, and by apparently a large portion of the public as to the injuriousness of malt liquors taken during the prevalence of cholera. Already convinced that much unfounded prejudice exists in the minds of many persons, as regards this and many other articles of diet, lately reputed unwholesome, and even poisonous in themselves, it was with pleasure I read the remarks in the Republican of the 24th ult., vindicating the products of your operations from a charge, to say the least of it unsupported by facts, and mischievous besides, as tending to injure a branch of industry of growing importance to our city.

“Since the publication of the address to the public, over the signature of “Brewers,” I have received several numbers of various scientific publications from Europe, in one of which — the ‘Journal of Clinic Medicale, &c.’ — there is given the result of a discussion which took place at a late meeting of the Philomatic Society of Paris, on the very subject that has engaged the attention of the Baltimore brewers. It has occurred to me that a statement of the conclusion at which several of the most eminent chemists and physicians of France have arrived respecting the subject, might be interesting to you, and perhaps to the public. — For these reasons, I now transmit it to you to be used as you may think proper.

“The abstract of the proceedings referred to may be literally translated, as follows:—

“On the occasion of discussing the corrections that ought to be made in the instructions as regards diet, officially circulated among the people in relation to Cholera, it becomes necessary to state that experience has established the perfect harmlessness of beer, such as it is commonly prepared in this city, as there has not been a single case of the disease among the brewers, nor the numerous workmen employed in their establishments. This remark was confirmed by M. L_____ [unclear] who certified to the good effects of the [unclear — looks like “healthy”] use of beer on persons of all ages. M. Payen stated in reply, that it never was the intention of the commissioners of health, to prohibit the use of any but badly prepared beer; and that, consequently, it would be well, at the same time, to point out the characteristics of sound beer. To this effect, he added that the most influential cause of the injuriousness of beer, is its state of imperfect clarification, when the yeast is still held in suspension with the liquid; the purgative property of the principle being well known. But as the yeast, he said is produced during the alcoholic fermentation, it may be found in all fermented liquors. Wine itself is not exempt from it, and acquires from its presence, when still sweet and turbid, its well known laxative character, — it is important, therefore, to use none but the most transparent liquors….

“It appears, therefore, from the preceding statement of the experience of scientific men in France, and the British physicians are no less explicit on this subject — that the assertion which the brewers of our city have made, so far as relates to the harmlessness of beer, is fully corroborated by facts.

“I am, Sir, very respectfully, yours, &c. J. T. Ducatel.

“To Mr. Samuel Lucas, Baltimore.

“Of Mr. Ducatel as a professor of chemistry, to the citizens of Baltimore, we need make no comment, who assures me that the author of the work in Paris, from which his is a translation, is of the highest standing of the profession; and it will be observed that those gentlemen before the cholera…[unclear –looks like “attack”], amongst other articles forbad the use of malt liquors; and after the cholera had left the place, and they had ascertained that none of the men engaged in any of the breweries, nor amongst all those who had made habitual use of beer, had an attack of the Cholera, have come forward before their fellow citizens with a statement of the facts, and recommended it to their particular notice. We are pleased to find that after all the facts already before the public, that France, a quarter of the Globe from which we had not expected such results, has come forward and fully confirmed our statements, not only of the use of malt liquors, but that they are, in fact, preventive of cholera.

“After taking a survey of this subject, who will doubt the correctness of the position….Therefore, the facts before the public from all parts of the United States – from England and France, not one of an average of twenty thousand, has had the choler who are engaged in the brewing business. These are facts well worth the public attention; and it may be observed that the late medical council of New York, who had proscribed the use of ale, porter, &c., have stated before the public and recommended it to their notice as the best beverage for their use.

“In conclusion, I will state a fact, that in the East Indies, France, and this country, very many persons, by the use of cold water, have died with the cholera. And the Albany papers, in August last, state thirty-three cases of cholera for one week, out of which number twenty nine took the disease by drinking cold spring and well water; but had five taken the disease out of that number by the use of malt liquor, what would have been said, I leave to the public to judge. Oct 20.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “Malt Liquors.” 10-20-1832, 2-3.)

Sep 15 Remedy advertisement: “This invaluable remedy has been found most effectual in the cure of the dreadful epidemic. It excites great warmth in the stomach, increases the heat of the body, and quickens the circulation; also if the patient be kept war, it produces diaphoresis, so desirable in Spasmodic Cholera. One teaspoonful for an adult repeated every hour or every half hour if necessary – Price 25 cents. The poor supplied gratis.” (Frederick Herald, MD. “Cholera Tincture, Prepared and Sold by William Fischer.” 9-15-1832, 3.)

Fruit, Sep 22 report: “’The gardeners and growers of fruit are a highly interesting and worthy class of the population attached to our large cities and towns, and the business they are engaged in affords a comfortable subsistence to a large number of persons — in ordinary times; but in these extraordinary times of the cholera their business may be regarded as almost destroyed, and all the labor and patience and care which they have expended to supply the market with choice plants and fruits are nearly wasted. They deserve great commiseration, and especially such of them as are dependent on the product of their gardens and orchards to obtain the means of livelihood, and meet their various pecuniary engagements. We would be-speak, on behalf of this industrious and valuable class of persons much forbearance and kindness — if needing either. The sweat of their honest brows has been wasted and their most careful nursings have chiefly produced articles which prudent persons reject.

“Thus it has been in Europe. A late London paper observes some of the most opulent fruit sellers who had supplied the London market, had lost £100 a week, on account of the cholera, interdiction in eating. (Niles Reg.).” (Frederick Herald, MD. 9-22-1832, 1.)

Oct 9 report, Epsom Salt: “Cholera — The following fact confirms Dr. Stephens’ saline theory, as far as it goes: — The Barbadoes, Captain Lee, arrived on Monday, at Cove, from Quebec. The Captain states that he sailed from this port about three months ago, with 140 emigrants, for British America. Fourteen of the passengers were attacked with cholera, three of whom died. He had recourse to brandy and opium, all of which was in a short time consumed. The cases were accumulating upon him, and having no surgeon on board, he had recourse to epsom salts, the only medicine left, and gave each a table-spoonful as they were attacked. The result was, that though every soul on board had been affected with the disease, not a single case proved fatal, except the three above mentioned, with whom the salts had not been tried. Cork Reporter.” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “Cholera.” 10-9-1832, 5.)

Atmosphere:

Aug 24 Letter to Editor: Recent letter of one Dr. Niles of Philadelphia to William Bradley Tyler, Frederick, MD, who then sent it, on August 24, to the editor of the Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA:

‘….I have now seen the disease sufficiently to enable me to arrive at satisfactory, and I trust, just conclusions on the subject….

‘The disease, wholly independent of contagion, is caused by an epidemic agency, of which we know nothing with certainty. It is not improbable, however, that it is owing to an aeriform poison, which acting through the medium of the stomach on the gangionic nerves, so impairs the system, that its functions are in a greater or less degree suspended….

(Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “Cholera in Philadelphia.” 9-4-1832.)

In the same paper was a report to the Board of Health by H. Smyser who had been asked “…to visit Philadelphia to investigate the Disease that now prevails there…by the name of Asiatic or Spasmodic Cholera.”

….The violence and irregularity of action which characterizes Spasmodic Cholera…gives to all our conclusions relative to the causes of its propagation a shade of ambiguity. For example you see it today amid squalid poverty and low wretchedness…and tomorrow, the fairest cities in the pure air and temperate climate of Siam….After ravaging several provinces of Eastern Persia, it passes over a country peculiarly adapted to miasmatic disease: and shows itself in Oxenburg, the healthiest city in the Roman Empire. And yet, notwithstanding this irregularity of action…the medical mind has now settled down into the almost uniform belief that its mode of transmission is aeroform….

“In Philadelphia, their general prescription, in the Hospitals I visited, is Calomel[175] alone, or combined with Opium. A gentleman of high standing in Baltimore, prescribes Calomel and Dover’s Powder[176]…when the prostration is very great. In lighter cases he uses a combination of Calomel, Opium and Camphor. General and local bleeding must not be neglected, while the other design is executed. It is of the greatest importance; and when the one fails, the other can be generally practiced. Both, however, should be used, if practicable. The patient should be wrapped in warm flannels. There is nothing more refreshing to the patient at this time, than a small piece of ice applied to the tongue; and, to assuage the intolerable thirst, small quantities of cold water are given. Anodyne injections, opiates, and anti-spasmodics are also called for….In Baltimore, Cantharides, boiled in Spirits of Turpentine, has been used externally in private practice….

(Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “To the Board of Health.” 9-4-1832, 4.)

1855, Jameson: “…it is our decided opinion, that the atmospherical conditions, which begets cholera, throughout this and European countries, has existed ever since the year 1832: in some parts of Europe longer.” (Jameson 1855, 21.)

“…there can, we think, be no doubt…the disease is occasioned by some contamination of the air somehow modified.” (Jameson 1855, 27.)

“…since choler has infested our country, from point to point, that there has been a choleraic constitution existing since the year 1832…” (Jameson 1855, 28.)

“The vast extent to which the influenza has been known to extend over the globe, has long since given rise to the supposition, that a poison being generated in some part of the world, may be spread by the winds over other countries. But that epidemic cholera does not cross the ocean, we think there is sufficient evidence. It is true that the epidemic of 1832, in the main aspect of its extension, has been westward. It entered Orenburg in July, 1829, since which its successive appearance has been almost due west, till it terminated in Canada….But, notwithstanding that the sea between the west coasts of Scotland and Ireland, and Canada, are much frequented by our vessels, the fisheries at Newfoundland banks lying between, and many vessels having left Europe, freighted with persons who had imbibed the poison, and suffered with the disease at sea, yet in no one instance has there been a case of cholera occurring on the high seas, so as to be brought to our shores affected with this disease….We may be asked, from whence have we the cholera poison? We answer, that for the present, we have into been able to bring it tangibly to view; but we have a condition of things which places this matter on grounds as satisfactory as that of almost any other grave subject belonging to medical science….How can we conceive of a laboratory which shall generate a poison in India, or the more distant parts of Europe, sufficient to be carried by the winds over intermediate countries, and over the broad Atlantic? To our apprehension, this is alone sufficient to disprove the belief that an atmospherical poison has come from the East Indies, traversed parts of Europe, and afterwards filled this vast Continent with the same material….” (Jameson 1855, 80-81.)

“If we go to other countries, we shall find, as we do in our own, that cholera is almost entirely limited to low grounds, marshy places, or water-courses – in short, to locations where fevers, the acknowledged product of malaria, are indigenous, to this we may add, that wherever cholera appears epidemically, those fevers more congenial to the place, if we may use the term, have previously appeared, and mostly at the same season of the year….it follows, that the malaria arising from the acknowledged material from which emanates the remote cause of our usual epidemic fevers, and we may safely consider the cholera as usurping the place of the more common occupants, and that the usurper obtains precedence by chemical affinities combining the elementary integrants of the malaria, a well-known attendant of riversides, and is the offspring of vegetable putrefaction, &c….The primary cause emanates from the earth….In briefly summing up the character of cholera, we view it as an epidemic, and of course dependent upon some atmospherical contamination for its predisponent cause…is most clearly non-contagious and non-migratory.” (Jameson 1855, 81-82.)

“We shall, when we come to treat of the epidemic which prevailed in Baltimore in 1832, show that fruits and articles that are usually eaten raw, did, in an especial manner, disagree, and often the using of such articles was followed so quickly by the most violent symptoms of cholera, as to leave no room to doubt the unfitness of such articles.

“It has been found by experience that certain things relating to food, drinks, the condition of our dwellings and premises generally, facilitate the inroads of cholera, and gross abuse of such things not only invites the disease, but gives to the specific poison, by which the disease is constituted, all its malignancy. Here we have a clear indication in guarding against seizure, and we are made sensible of the goodness of the influence of a kind Providence of a condition, in almost all epidemic diseases, that will enable very many to ward off the complaint. In cholera, thousands may inhale the poison which gives rise to that disease, and they suffer nothing but a temporary derangement of health, provided they have recourse to precautionary measures, by avoiding certain things, such as fear, or excessive exertion, whether by mental or corporeal activity, loss of sleep, &c.” (Jameson 1855, 88.)

“The Mayor and Board of Health thought proper to open a third hospital for cholera patients in the epidemic of 1832. Dr. Augustus L. Warner was appointed to the care of this establishment….He reports fifteen out of ninety-six as his fatal cases. ‘Having honestly and faithfully tested the various modes of treatment recommended in this disease, I have no hesitation in stating the following as the result of my experience, after frequent repetition. The indiscriminate use of the lancet [scalpel] is highly injurious, and in a vast majority of cases injudicious or unnecessary. The preparations of camphor I am disposed to consider inert and inutile. Calomel and opium decidedly prejudicial. The tincture guaiac. Was freely used, and in no instance with benefit, while the most melancholy consequences attended its administration.’ One might wonder where the Doctor could have acquired his experience in respect to an indiscriminate use of the lancet. Verily, verily, a physician who could employ bloodletting to the extent here noted, would, indeed, require schooling; but by reference to the reports of our hospitals, No. 1 and No. 2…we shall see that bleeding, well-timed and well-suited, is a remedy of much importance.

“We are told that ‘camphor is inert or inutile.’ Camphor is not to be relied on as a main remedy in any stage of cholera, but it may be used, when on hand, as a carminative[177] for painful flatulency, or sickness at stomach, but probably is no better than peppermint, mint-tea, ginger, or pepper-teas, &c. ‘Calomel and opium decidedly prejudicial.’ Here we must express some surprise. It will be seen by reference to the treatment in Hospitals No. 1 and No. 2, that these remedies were relied on as principal remedial articles, and with a success which brought the decided approbation of the Board of Health, and many of the most respectable physicians of the city….” (Jameson 1855, 119-121.)

“Deeming it our duty, as health physician for the city, on the outbreak of cholera, to give some advice respecting precautions as preventive of the disease, in alluding to diet, we suggested that it might only be necessary to diminish the usual quantity of good, observing a guarded temperance; but before the disease had long existed, we had reason to change our opinion, inn consequence of having seen some cases of cholera arising from the use of certain articles in which the effect followed the use of the articles so speedily as to leave no doubt of the evil, which sometimes arose from partaking of fruits and many of our common vegetables. [Jameson 1855, 146.]

“It may not be amiss to give a recital of some of the more remarkable cases that came to our knowledge. A respectable woman, in the country, informed us, that her son and two fellow-laborers in a factory, being about to visit the city, she strictly charged him not to eat of water-melon, which was reputed to be particularly unwholesome. Deeming her caution the result of timidity, they purchased a small melon, and ate in on the way home, and were all three presently overtaken with severe sickness and vomiting, and reached home with difficulty. The disturbance went off after some time. Had they eaten a little more, or had their systems been much disposed to cholera, death would probably have been the result of the disobedience.

“Another instance of immediate suffering after eating water-melon was related to us by a medical friend. A colored man bought a water-melon in market, and ate it, as he probably was accustomed to do; immediately after having done so, he was seized with violent colicky pains. A bystander, seeing his distress, desired him to hasten to the dispensary, some squares of. He set off, and ran till he dropped down in the street, wholly unable to proceed further. A physician of eminence did all he could for the man, but he died in about seven hours after the attack.

“The following incident was related to us by a friend: A colored man was seen sitting on one side of the street, having in his possession a water-melon. He was overtaken by an acquaintance, who asked him jestingly what he had there; he replied he had a mess of cholera. The melon was shared, and eaten by them: early next morning one of them died, and the other in less than twenty-four hours.

“A young gentleman, of temperate habits, refused, during part of the cholera season, to abstain from the use of vegetables, as the rest of the boarders in the same house were doing. While they abstained in the general use of vegetables, he refused to do so, and contended that cholera was the disease of the vicious, and that he could use vegetables and fruit with impunity. During the height of cholera, he one day partook of fried egg-plant, and after dinner ate some peaches: in a few minutes afterwards, he was seized with violent symptoms of cholera, and after a few hours of the most agonizing sufferings he died. All such cases require copious blood-letting.

“The following particulars were reported to us of the case of Dr. Cromwell, of Baltimore. This gentleman, while he admitted the propriety of a very sparing use of vegetables, insisted that peaches were wholly innocent. A gentleman seeing the Doctor buying, at a time that few persons would have ventured to have eaten them, asked the Doctor whether he believed them to be a safe article. The Doctor replied that, as a proof of his belief in their innocence, he had just been buying some for a sick friend. A few days after this, he partook of plums, cantaloupe, and peaches at dinner. In a few minutes he was seized with violent cholera, and notwithstanding the early use of medical treatment, he died in a few hours.

“Dr. S. B. Martin had a little girl under his notice, who, while in perfect health, ventured to eat of green peaches, which her playmates refused to do. In a few minutes she was seized with severe symptoms of cholera. The children who had been with her during the afternoon, and who did not eat any of the peaches or other fruit, were not affected with cholera during the season.

“We were requested to visit a family while the cholera was raging to see four children quite ill from having eaten green apples; they were affected with severe symptoms of cholera morbus. The doctor had already given them mild emetics, which, in every case, brought up the apples which they had eaten. These children were treated with appeasing remedies, and they soon recovered. We could enlarge to great extent occurrences similar to those noticed; but enough has been presented to show that the disease was excited into play by vegetables; and fruits in particular…

“A young man of correct habits, in good health, was boasting on Sunday that he had eaten of everything usual during the cholera, and that he had no fears for the disease; he ate freely of vegetables; on Monday he partook freely of cabbage, was son afterwards taken violently ill with cholera, and died before daylight on Tuesday morning. This is one of many similar cases that came to our notice; but we need not extend our remarks further. Almost every persons was aware of some impairment of their digestive organs, and that vegetables and fruits were improper, either at meals or intermediately. We met a few persons who, towards the close of the epidemic, boasted of having lived as they always had done and with impunity. But, independently of the risk of cholera from eating certain articles, so common were symptoms of indigestion, and slight complaints of the stomach and bowels, that the latter alone would have required an abandonment of the more indigestible articles of food or luxury.

“The present writer was directed in the regulation of his diet by the condition of his stomach. Aware, before cholera had made its appearance in this country, that certain articles of food were hurtful to persons predisposed to cholera, he early advised the citizens of Baltimore to east sparingly of whatever was hard of digestion, and accordingly, he continued to eat sparingly of the vegetables of the season. As the cholera more nearly manifested itself, he clearly perceived that such articles began to incommode his stomach, and he was made very uneasy at the stomach by eating a little peach and milk. Acidity and flatulency and gastrodynia[178] occurred, and kept up a good deal of distress for several hours. Several friendly admonitions of this sort attended the use of improper food…Thus admonished, without stopping in an extreme pressure of business to imagine anything unreal, we endeavored, free from any anxiety, to regulate our died according to circumstances. We reduced our fare to one sort of plain meat at the same meal – bread, butter potato, and rice, with a very small portion of milk, also a little tea and coffee. All things were used in quantities less – more than one-half – of our former habits…” [Jameson 1855, 146-149.]

[Treatment with Opium]: “It was in the early period of the disease…that we observed the most decided effects from large doses of opium…to give it in small doses, to say the least, was useless. We never saw a disease in which any remedy came so near the nature of a specific as did opium in the incipiency of cholera; for, according to our observation, it was suited to the disease in every form or stage attended with severity, and in scores of case we have had the most pleasing effects from large anodynes,[179] particularly when opium was given in combination with calomel. So often did we obtain benefit from large doses of calomel and opium, that we gave it in many unpromising cases at the commencement with a degree of confidence little short of certainty; indeed, we may truly aver, that this combination did not fail to give relief, except in two or thee instances in private practice, some of which we saw a little short of profound collapse. We met but a single case which ended fatally where we had hope of recovery at our first visit.

“We are too imperfectly acquainted with the pathology of cholera to attempt an explanation of the modus operandi of opium, but our experience with the article convinces us that, in combination with calomel, it had a powerful effect in checking rice-water stools, in allaying the irritability of the stomach, and in arresting cramps and spasms. When these symptoms set in violently and suddenly, it was safest to conjoin blood-letting with the opium and calomel. We saw one case of cholera in which the rice-water discharges were succeeded by complete ileus,[180] attended by vomiting of dark, fecal matter in large quantities. In this case an emetic of strong salt water, followed by three grains of opium, in one dose, at once arrested the ileus, and he patient recovered in a few days.

“We seldom gave more than one dose of opium; sometimes we repeated once. In a few cases it was given in small doses, in the form of Dover’s powder, or laudanum and sp. of nitre, mostly where the spasms were rather obstinate than severe.

“There was an unusual circumstance attending the use of opium in the cholera of 1832. In co case where it failed to afford relief, did it deceive by giving ease. If a full anodyne failed to give pretty prompt relief, the patient always perished; but when the patient was promptly relieved by the use of calomel and opium, they always recovered. We did not in any instance give more than six grains in twenty-four hours, and that quantity very seldom….” [Jameson 1855, 156-157.]

……..

“However little we may know of the pathology of cholera, it is evident that one of the common effects of the poison is to impair the functions of the stomach, bowels, liver, and, indeed, all the abdominal viscera; so much so, that in many cases, long before the disease assumed its malignant form amongst us, in 1832, most persons were aware of some impairment in their digestive organs; and hence it was, that one of the greatest difficulties attending cholera was to get our patients in a condition to bear food. In a great majority of severe cases, the digestive functions were much weakened, and it was with extreme difficulty patients could resume the use of the mildest articles of food. We had often seen injury arising from the use of improper food in bilious and other fevers, but never did we see anything bearing any comparison with this circumstance, as it stood related to cholera. At both hospitals, patients injured themselves in that way…and some of them died from their imprudence. In many instances, nothing but gruel, sago, toast-water, common tea, or other drinks equally mild, could be borne for upwards of a week, although convalescence progressed slowly; and often, in private practice, we had considerable trouble in getting our patients to resume their accustomed food, owing to liability to diarrhoea and pain in the stomach.” [Jameson 1855, 158-159.]

[Lard]: “The External Use of Lard in Cholera. To us, it would seem to be as reasonable to expect to apply remedies to the knee for the relief of hip disease, as to expect to cure cholera by remedies applied to the surface. It does not seem reasonable, when we look at the deeply diseased state of the skin, that we can operate sufficiently through it upon the internal organs…But as much evil grows out of the escape of serum through the cutis vera [skin], and diminished supply of blood in the capillaries, it is important that we counteract this morbid condition. Seeing the good effect of oily applications in erysipelas[181] and phlegmasia dolens,[182] and also recollecting that Dr. Scott, about fifty years ago, employed olive oil with good effects in a severe fever, somewhere in the East Indies, we were led to try it in the sweating state of epidemic cholera; besides, in an ardent fever of a child, we applied Scott’s method successfully. Hog’s lard being a softening, oily substance, and this having been used by Dr. Calhoun, of Philadelphia, instead of mercurial ointment, which had been recommended by Dr. Little, of Pennsylvania, and the lard being cheap, and well suited to hospital practice, we introduced it into our Hospitals No. 1 and No. 2. It was soon seen that this article softened and warmed th skin in much greater degree than stimulants, and also lessened the exudation through the skin more effectually than anything else. Indeed, in nearly all cases, with a few repetitions, it checked the perspiration, and improved the dermoid tissue in respect to temperature, pliability, and removal of wrinkling, and in all respects imparted a more healthful aspect to this structure. The gentlemen who had charge of the hospitals were well pleased with the results of this remedy. We now recommend it as a very important remedy….” [Jameson 1855, 160-161.]

[Atmosphere]: “Epidemic Cholera the Product of a General Atmospherical Contamination.

“….Need we wonder…if, while we behold the atmosphere as one of the greatest works of nature, we are not able to discern but a part of its operation, except by their effects?….” (Jameson 1855, 162.)

“In the beginning of this work we have alluded to the views of Dr. Sydenham respecting secrete constitutions of the atmosphere, by which he means a state of contamination that has the quality of generating disease, and he maintains that these secrete constitutions give rise to ailments of a specific nature, differing only in some modifications in their characteristics and force.

“We shall endeavor still further to illustrate the nature of the atmospherical insalubrious qualities. In the year 1817, we wrote out some essays, in the form of lectures, on the subject of fevers, embracing all the fevers of which we were then cognizant. The cholera was not then known as one of the destroyers of the human race, and there may be those who would exclude it from among diseases called fevers; bu, we would ask, what else can it be? It is the result of an imbibed poison which gives rise to a condition of the system, in which Sydenham says, Nature, being oppressed, is unable to manifest the symptoms proper to the nature of the disease; and Rush would say, it is a misplaced fever….” (Jameson 1855, 163.)

“…we must never lose sight of the important truth, that cholera is the offspring of a ‘secrete and inexplicable constitution of the atmosphere’.” (Jameson 1855, 164.)

“It seems to us proper, under the present head, to offer a few remarks upon causes since it is our present purpose to show, as far as our abilities will enable us to show, that cholera is the offspring of malaria, and of nothing else; but it is of a dual character, and we must endeavor to show how that malaria operates upon the human body as a cause….” (Jameson 1855, 165-166.)

“A great proportion of our diseases arise from specific causes, and such causes always give rise to specific diseases, and this truth is especially manifested in epidemic cholera; but it is difficult to distinguish a specific cause sometimes from susceptibility. And, we think this applies to cholera, which is the offspring of a compound cause. There is at the present time, and, indeed, for several years past there has been, a pestilential condition of the air, wide-spread as the inhabited world, which operates in the production of a susceptibility to cholera, which, of course, impairs the system perniciously. We suppose that the peculiar morbific principle, which leads to that disease, is brought into play by some chemical union with whatever established that perniciousness; and this, so far as the epidemic operations are involved, seems to be a modification of the ordinary miasm, which gives rise to remittent and intermittent fevers, that is, this poison is probably formed of the usual elements differently combined, so as materially to alter the properties of the miasmatic poison. It may be said here, that this is mere matter of opinion; but how shall we more rationally apply the facts connected with the production of universal cholera; for we are certain there must be some material which exerts a baneful influence over a large portion of the world; well, then, where is it? Can it be anywhere bu in the lower stratum of the atmosphere? Then, as to the special locations, we see the disease existing almost exclusively in fever districts; what can it be, seeing that it is seen in many places usurping the place of fever, which heretofore prevailed, more or less, till cholera assumed the mastery, and principally in the fever season….” (Jameson 1855, 166-167.)

“…cholera is so wide-spread, and has had so protracted an existence, as to establish incontestably the fact, that the air we breathe is its abiding-place….no one who has not been under a choleraic influence, has ever had the disease…..it is only in certain malarious locations that the choleraic influence becomes dualized, and is stirred into its deadly assaults; and do we not find here that two things, in the nature of causes, are present?….” (Jameson 1855, 167.)

Contagious Theory – Critique of: “Review of Dr. Berg’s Reports in Sweden.

“We have here an exceedingly well-written review of an able work, so far as the compilation is concerned; but, we think the more is the pity, that so much zeal and talent should have been employed to bring before the public erroneous views to raise doubts on the causes of cholera, and to conduct those who are not prepared to judge for themselves into a labyrinth dark and destructive. This being honestly our opinion of the production before us, we shall endeavor to examine the reports of Dr. Berg, and we hope to show to the inexperienced, that however captivating these reports, they are not to be relied on. Too often views and theories are espoused, and zeal becomes a blind conductor to hot pursers…by which are brought forth deceptive responses.

“The reviewer before us says: ‘We saw repeated instances where a previously healthy locality was infected by persons arriving from a distance, and from places where cholera then prevailed; we found that these individuals were sometimes apparently in good health when they arrived, or, perhaps, they already exhibited the premonitory symptoms of the malady; we met with them laboring under the disease in low lodging-houses, from which the disorder spread to other inmates of the same house or room, and we traced the malady from these lodging-houses to other localities, which, in their turn, became focuses of infection in previously healthy districts.’

“Let us admit all that is said in the above paragraph, an it proves nothing but the coincidence of the occurrences; persons were seen to arrive at a certain place which was then healthy, but who had just come from a place where cholera prevailed. At some indefinite time, cholera shows itself in the new-comer in some ‘low lodging-house.’ Let us suppose such an arrival, and that, in a short time, the visitor is seized with cholera; is it safe to conclude that there was any positive relation between the arrival of the person and the cause of the disease? Do we not see cholera, like some other epidemics, set in suddenly – in Columbia there was apparent health one day, the next day twenty-four deaths – so far as malignant cases are concerned? Are not the ‘low houses’ and places the most common abodes for cholera? May we not as fairly infer that the stranger is as likely to take the disease as others in low houses, or it is a mere coincidence as to time, with the outbreak of the disease, as that because he had been somewhere where the disease prevailed, therefore he must have brought the fomes[183] of the disease with him. It cannot be denied that one of the most strongly-marked characteristics of the epidemic cholera is the prevalence of morbid derangement of the primary organs of digestion and nutrition. The atmosphere becomes a magazine of choleraic malaria. Individuals, living in this unwholesome magazine, are liable, upon transgressing in any of the non-naturals, to be seized by the malady – the stranger comes to such locality, and it is fair to maintain that th fatigue, the change of water, food, loss of rest, perhaps anxiety, will render him ore liable than those persons who have not been subject to anything unusual….” (Jameson 1855, 179-181.)

(Jameson, Horatio Gates, M.D. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. Philadelphia: 1855.[184])

Electricity, lack of:

“From the Georgian. The most probable hypothesis in relation to comets, is that they are the agents for distributing electricity through the planetary space.

“The prevalence of malignant diseases may be attributed to the want of excess of electricity in the atmosphere.

“A succession of minor causes may have disturbed the electric equilibrium in the atmosphere of the earth. The revolution of the earth from west to east, may account for the apparent progress of the choleric influence from east to west.

“The visit of two comets, in the year 1832, may be the means for restoring a healthy medium to our atmosphere, particularly as one of them will cross the orbit of the earth.

“I throw out these hints, as we do bottles on the ocean, to attract the attention of the curious, and lead them to make observations.” (Star and Republican Banner, Gettysburg, PA. “Cholera and Comets.” 11-13-1832, 3.)

Cheerfulness as Preventive: “A very respectable physician (Dr. Drake of Cincinnati), says that ‘cheerfulness is a great preventive of Cholera!’ If the reverse of this proposition be true, we hope the Doctor will inform us how we are to be cheerful?” (Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. “Medicine and Politics.” 11-20-1832, 5.)

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(Wikipedia. “Cholera.” 4-15-2012 modification.)

[1] The note is: “A letter from Vienna estimates the number of deaths by cholera in the Austrian dominions at 400,000, viz. – 220,000 in Hungary, 100,000 in Galicia, 80,000 in Bohemia, Moravia and Austria.”

[2] “Estimating the population at 4,400 and 550 deaths, it would be one out of every eight of the whole population.”

[3] The note is: “…the cholera has broken out in Chili with great violence. A letter from Popoyan says that in one week it destroyed 363 persons at Valparaiso, and 591 at Santiago de Chile.”

[4] This is reported as for the town of Luxemburg and notes: “In a population of 10,000 persons, 500 died, being in the proportion of one in twenty.”

[5] Cites The Quarterly Review, and notes this is out of a population of 60,000.

[6] Of the infected provinces. Cites the Quarterly Review.

[7] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor.

[8] Compiled by B. Wayne Blanchard for addition to website: http://www.usdeadlyevents.com

[9] Our extrapolation from the statement: “The average deaths at Wilmington last week were nearly two per diem…”

[10] This combines the Niles’ reports for Alexandria, Georgetown and Washington City.

[11] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor.

[12] This combines his numbers for Washington City, Alexandria and Georgetown.

[13] Alexandria was part of the District of Columbia until 1846 when Congress returned it to Virginia.

[14] “The whole number of cases which appeared in Alexandria, up to the 6^th inst. [Oct] (exclusive of 9 deaths in the poor house out of 45 inmates), was 42 – 17 white, 25 colored.”

[15] There were 44 deaths, “the chief part of them were caused by that disease [cholera].”

[16] Tanner notes 168 deaths out of 660 cases. He then writes that “It is understood to be admitted, that the Reports of the Board of Health, Washington, fall considerably short of the actual number of cases…some of the physicians declined reporting. Drs. Sim and Thomat attended, up to the 8^th of Sept., 64 cases, 8 of which terminated fatally…not included in the above enumeration.” We have added these eight to the 168 to derive 176.

[17] We assume these are the same fatalities as those for the Fort Dearborn Camp.

[18] “Under date of September 9, General Scott reports the subsidence of the cholera upon Rock Island; total deaths, four officers and fifty-two enlisted men…” To be added to this fatality count of 56 are 5 soldiers who died after leaving Rock Island on the way to Jefferson Barracks, MO with Indian prisoners. (McClellan 1875, 579-580)

[19] Daly notes that Aurora at the time had “a population of a few hundred.”

[20] Paper is reporting on the June 1835 cholera epidemic and notes “we think the disease has been ore violent and rapid in its progress at its late visitation, than it was in the fall of 1832. At that time there were 60 cases and 27 deaths reported to the Board of Health…”

[21] There were most probably more. The death recorded is that of a chief of the Sacs and Foxes, Ke-o-kuck. Probably picked up from contact with troops at Fort Armstrong on Rock Island.

[22] Translation of “Several deaths have happened in Lexington, and a board of health has been appointed…”

[23] “Kentucky. Eight or ten deaths by cholera had happened at Louisville; and we regret to learn that the disease was increasing. And cases are said to have occurred at Maysville and Augusta.”

[24] Our estimate based upon: “Louisville. For the week ending Oct. 27, the daily average of deaths was about 8.”

[25] A Nov 24, 1832 Niles report notes that according to the Maysville Eagle, “the cholera was raging in that town and its vicinity – proving fatal in many cases ‘without distinction of persons’.” (p. 201)

[26] “July 8, the steamer S. Thompson, with General Scott and staff, with the four companies of artillery, left Mackinaw, all in high health and spirits. At daylight on the 9^th six cases of cholera were reported on the Thompson; during the day fifteen other cases occurred; and by July 11 there had been a total of seventy-seven cholera-sick, and nineteen deaths.” (McClellan. “A History…Cholera…In…America,” 1875, 573.)

[27] Cites, in footnote 74: Jones, Medical and Surgical Memoirs, III, pt. 1, cccvi; see also Leland A. Langridge, “Asiatic Cholera in Louisiana, 1832-1873” (M.A. Thesis, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, 1955).

[28] These and deaths following for Oct 27-Nov 1 are interments (burials) from all causes, though it seems that most deaths were attributed to cholera and that “It is intimated that all the deaths were not included even in these fearful aggregates…The idea seems general that two hundred a day had died!. We note these interments as illustrative.

[29] “The Cholera has reached New-Orleans, in addition to the Yellow Fever…The interments in two burial grounds on the 29^th of Oct. were 192.”

[30] Taken from a letter.

[31] This was reprinted in our source: The Mail, Hagerstown, MD. 12-1-1832, 2, and is from a local correspondent.

[32] This is the number of reported interments at the Catholic and Protestant cemeteries.

[33] Deaths from yellow fever and cholera.

[34] Taken from a letter.

[35] From a correspondent of “interments in the Burial Grounds on the 3d…” reprinted from the Mobile Register.

[36] This is our number and dates based on the following from a letter dated Nov 4, printed in Niles’ – “…the deaths for the last ten days by cholera and the yellow fever having been about three hundred a day.”

[37] This is from a November 4 (Sunday) letter which notes that “last week” 1,070 died. We are guessing that “last week” refers to Monday, Oct 29-Nov Saturday, Nov 3.

[38] Quoting from the New Orleans Emporium of Nov. 5.

[39] This number is from a “report of the [church] sextons for the eight days ending on the evening of the 6^th…” representing burials.

[40] Starts with >1,100 noted immediately above and notes “This statement does not include the interments at the port, and in private lots, in the vicinity of the city, which would probably increase the whole number to at least 1,500.”

[41] “Another letter says that on one plantation 30 negroes and died out of the 100, and on another 40!”

[42] This is a minimal estimate based upon “During December, 1832, a chest of clothing that had belonged to a sailor, who had died of cholera at a Baltic port, arrived at his home in a small village near Bangor, Me. The chest was opened, the clothing was distributed to his friends, and all who received the garments were taken with cholera and died.” (McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, 581-582.)

[43] What we have done for the low fatality estimate is take the 834 estimate we have for Baltimore from the Niles’ Weekly Register and the Frederick Herald and add that to the estimates from other locations, which are fairly straightforward. This come to 1,217. We then use Quaife’s estimate of 1,000 fatalities for Baltimore and add it to the estimates from other localities to derive the high estimate of 1,373. The intermediate number of 1,258 represents our subtraction of the reported 125 fatalities at the Baltimore County Alms House from the 1,000 figure Quaife uses. We do not know if Quaife counted the 125 County Alms House fatalities. Subtracting them, however, does put his number more in line with the Niles’ and Frederick Herald numbers.

[44] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor.

[45] “1832….Early in July cholera appears in the city; a quarantine law is passed by the City Council, July 7; the disease is not recognized till August 4; the last case occurs November 4. Total deaths in city for year, 3572; of which 853 were from cholera and 79 from smallpox. Death rate, 42.02 per 1000.” (pp. 692-693)

[46] It is not stated if this includes the 125 cholera fatalities in the Baltimore County Alms House. In that this was not in Baltimore city limits, we think these are probably not included in Jameson’s number.

[47] This is our compilation of Niles’s Weekly Register reports with the addition of the Frederick Herald, MD article of Sep 1, which covers Aug 23-30 and overlaps with the Aug 27-Sep 24 Niles compilation. We derived an average of 14 deaths per diem and multiplied by 4 to represent the missing Niles’ days of Aug 23-26.

[48] Including 125 fatalities at the Baltimore County Alms house.

[49] This does not include 125 deaths at the Baltimore County Alms House which Tanner lists later.

[50] This is in reference to a particular case, not a sum of fatalities.

[51] This is in reference to a particular case (Aaron_____), not a sum of fatalities.

[52] This is in reference to a particular case (Saml. Cheers), not a sum of fatalities.

[53] This is in reference to a particular case (Matilda Jackson), not a sum of fatalities.

[54] This is in reference to a particular case (Richard Lee), not a sum of fatalities.

[55] This is ten more than the 160 fatalities reported in the daily breakouts the Niles Weekly Register reports. The 170 number represents burials for cholera victims, which might account for some or all of the discrepancy. There were 254 total burials during this week including 17 attributed to “cholera infantum.” In regards to the discrepancy, the Niles’ Weekly Register writes: “The daily reports of deaths have been, it is most probable, always short of the real amount, because that some die without having received medical attendance, and certain of the physicians have neglected, or refused, to send in reports of their practice: but the weekly interments may be relied on as authentic – except, perhaps, that a few of he deaths sated to have been of cholera, were of other diseases – the disposition to exaggerate being a common one in all seasons of alarm. Of this we feel confident – that the weekly report of interments includes all the fatal cases of cholera.” As to the 254 total reported interments, the Niles’ Weekly Register writes: “…if we deduct the deaths by the cholera, there will remain only 84 interments in the last week – which is rather more than the usual amount at this season of the year.”

[56] “Health office, Baltimore Sep. 10, 1832. Report of interments in the city of Baltimore for the last week, ending this morning…cholera 226; cholera infantum 22…–Total [burials from all causes] 332.”

[57][57] This report from the Health office, dated Sep 17 is of burials and states that there were 135 due to cholera deaths as well as 27 from cholera infantum deaths. The Niles’ Register notes: “The daily reports of deaths by cholera for the week was 112 – difference 23; which may, in part, arise from the different periods at which reports of deaths and interments are made, as well as because some persons die, unattended by regular physicians.”

[58] One was Edward Weaver, 13, who had “been eating nothing but fruit, and lying out in the open air for three or four days past; collapsed; died eight hours after admission.” (Jameson. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, 125.)

[59] One of whom was Priscilla Jones, aged forth-seven, who had “been sick for some time; has been eating fruit; taken two or three days since with vomiting and purging; when admitted, no vomiting, but frequent watery passages; severe cramps; tongue brown; pulse very feeble; surface cold and covered with sweat; pain in the stomach; has passed no urine for two days. Treatment – Calomel and opium, cal. And nitre, frictions with melted lard, saline mixture, sinapisms [mustard plaster – thought to stimulate immune system and relieve pain], &c. Died.” (Jameson, H.G. A Treatise on Epidemic Cholera. 1855, 126.)

[60] Eighteen reported fatalities; 21 interments of those who died of cholera.

[61] This is in reference to a particular case (Charles Dorsey, cholera hospital 3, not a sum of fatalities.

[62] In reference to two cases (Polly and Lawrence Cholhous, aged 47), cholera hospital 3, not a sum of fatalities.

[63] Our estimate based on “cholera lingers at New York and Baltimore, and some fatal cases happen in both cities.”

[64] East of St. Michaels which is on the Eastern Shore.

[65] Even though this article is on the cholera, it is not clear that the 130 deaths noted were due to cholera, as opposed to total deaths since the outbreak. We have not included this number in our count.

[66] Actual statement from which we have extrapolated range of fatalities is: “…many cases on the line of the canal near Hagerstown – from 10 to 15 of the laborers, chiefly Irish, have died daily…” The Niles Register was a weekly and this report covered the last seven days and is an update from the last report on “The Progress of the Cholera.”

[67] An estimate derived from: “There were a few more deaths with much alarm at Hagerstown.” Niles Weekly Register V43, “Progress…Cholera,” 10-6-1832, 84.

[68] The dates are not absolutely clear. This paper was published on Friday, Oct. 19 and notes that “The past week has indeed been to the citizens of the place one of serious an solemn warning. Since this day week seventeen persons… have fallen victims to the insatiate archer…” If what is meant is the week ending on the 19^th that would be Oct 14 (Sunday) through Friday, or possibly, going back to the previous Friday, the 12^th through the 19^th. We suspect, in addition, that the 17 fatalities noted by the Niles’ Weekly Register on October 27, refer to these 17 fatalities, though it is possible that by coincidence 17 people could of died from cholera in each time frame. In any event we are not going to count the Niles’ numbers in our estimate.

[69] A minimal estimate based upon: “Hagerstown. Some additional deaths by cholera have happened subsequent to the period of our last notice.”

[70] Do not know what this refers to.

[71] Do not know what this refers to.

[72] On Southbank of the Susquehanna River near Havre De Grace and the Chesapeake Bay.

[73] Eastern Shore – across from Annapolis.

[74] This is our number. We are not told how many died, just that it was “very prevalent and very fatal.”

[75]The Niles’ Weekly Register of 9-15-132 writes: “Maryland—At Snowhill—many cases on the line of the canal near Hagerstown—from 10-to 15 of the laborers, chiefly Irish, have died daily…”

[76] First fatal case reportedly on Aug 15. It is not clear when the last of the reported 29 fatalities occurred.

[77] Estimate: “Mississippi. The cholera made its appearance at Natchez on the 23^rd ult. And several had died of it.

[78] Daly does not provide a breakout per year, thus we are not using this number in our tally.

[79] This was overnight, by 6 a.m.

[80] In McClellan it is noted that cholera cases also occurred in Elizabethtown, Trenton, Princeton, Burlington, Camden, and Jersey City, but no note of fatalities is provided.

[81] “Dr. Stevens states that during the epidemic at Newark an aged man went from that city to Hanover, fourteen miles distant and across a range of mountains, where he had cholera, but, reacting, was sent to his son’s house, at Morristown. The son would not receive him, and the patient was carried to the county poor-house, where he relapsed and died. Within forth-eight hours, the man at whose house he first stopped died of cholera, and four other cases followed in the same house. On the road, and within less than a mile, there were over twenty cases and ten deaths.” (McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…America.” 1875, 582.)

[82] We have not included these fatalities in our total in that Manchester was described as “a part of the town of Paterson” and thus these fatalities might be part of Zalenski’s count of 130 fatalities for Paterson.

[83] Samuel Fisher, pastor of the Paterson Presbyterian Church in Paterson, maintained a census of Patterson and also recorded all deaths there from July 5, 1832 to December 31, 1833. The part of this record from July 5, 1832 to October 14, 1832, after which there are no more reported cholera deaths, is posted on the web. Pastor Fisher recorded name, address, age, cause of death, and, at times, personal observations. The cholera related deaths have been counted from within this broader listing of all deaths.

[84] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor – but they appear high, standing against other statistics collected, and thus are not used in our own tabulation.

[85] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor.

[86] Cites: Dr. A. Clark, Lecture on Cholera.

[87] Wilford notes that this out of a population of 250,000 and that “The equivalent death toll in today’s city of eight million would exceed 100,000.”

[88] I am not sure how the total deaths since July 3, reported as 116 with 55 deaths on July 11, jumps to 237 deaths with the addition of 57 deaths on July 12.

[89] Niles’ writes: “Deaths at New York by the cholera, in the week ending on Sunday last – fifty.” This was in the Saturday, October 6^th edition. We do not know why the discrepancy between this report and that of Oct. 29.

[90] Our estimate based upon the statement that “cholera lingers at New York and Baltimore, and some fatal cases happen in both cities.”

[91] These were “cholera morbus” deaths “for the last week…” Date of publication was Saturday, Nov 24. We are assuming that if the reporting period was the week of Nov 18-24, then it would have been noted as for “this week” or “this past week.”

[92] It is written that this is out of a population of 220 poor-house residents.

[93] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor.

[94] This is from a report printed on Nov 3, in the N.Y. Journal of Commerce, based on a letter from Cincinnati to NY, wherein it is written that “The deaths by cholera during this month, to the present time, are but little short of 400.”

[95] “The disease has been awful at Cincinnati – few recovered from the attack – some were carried off in two or three hours, many in from six to eight.”

[96] “It is stated that one-third of the people of this city abandoned their homes because of the cholera.”

[97] Our guestimate of the dates. The article notes these deaths for the preceding “forty-eight hours ending on Friday.”

[98] Our high estimate uses the Quaife estimate of 1000 fatalities for Philadelphia, but does not count the Philadelphia suburb fatalities – e.g. Darby, Frankford, Germantown, Manayunk, Marcus Hook, West Chester. Our low estimate uses the 935 Philadelphia number used by several sources cited herein, but includes Philadelphia suburbs.

[99] We are assuming these fatalities have been caught up in the Philadelphia listings.

[100] “In addition to the Small Pox, a number of persons have been attacked within a short time with a disease resembling, on some closely, and in others remotely, the Cholera. Of this, several have died after a few hours attack….It is the decided belief of many of our physicians, that the disease is Cholera.”

[101] Alleged murdered carriers: “In Chester, Pennsylvania, several persons suspected of carrying the pestilence were reportedly murdered, along with the man who had sheltered them.” We translate “several” into three.

[102] A Philadelphia suburb.

[103] A Philadelphia suburb at the time, now a Philadelphia neighborhood. It is possible that these deaths could have been incorporated into the larger Philadelphia fatality counts such as the one Quaife (1913, 329) drew upon.

[104] We have not added these fatalities to our own tabulation of Pennsylvania fatalities in that Germantown is a suburb of Philadelphia and thus these deaths may have been counted as Philadelphia fatalities. There is also some ambiguity as to when they occurred. The note is: “The Philadelphia National Gazette says: ‘We learn that the five cases of fatal cholera, which occurred the day before yesterday at Germantown, were laborers on the rail-road, who made a dinner of water melons, cucumbers, and whiskey – the most approved recipe for prompt dissolution’.”

[105] Suburb of Philadelphia at the time. These fatalities might have been counted a

[106] This is our made up number from the Niles’ statement: “The epidemic was awfully severe a few days ago in the small village of Marcus Hook, on the Delaware.” It is a few miles to the southwest of Philadelphia.

[107] On Delaware River across from New Jersey and down river, about eight miles, from Port Jervis, NY.

[108] Near and to the northwest of Wilmington, DE, and southwest of Philadelphia.

[109] A suburb of Philadelphia at the time; now a neighborhood.

[110] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor.

[111] Writes: “By late autumn it was estimated that one thousand deaths from cholera had occurred at Philadelphia and an equal number at Baltimore, and at New Orleans over a hundred persons a day were dying from cholera and yellow fever combined, a rate which, if continued, would depopulate the city in a year’s time.” Cites: New York Mercury, November 21, 1832.

[112] Tanner as two figures for Philadelphia. The first notes 746 deaths out of 2289 cases. The second states: “The City Inspector’s Reports exhibit an aggregate of 913 deaths by Cholera from July 28^th to Sept. 8^th, 1832.”

[113] Tanner has 39.

[114] There were, however, ten additional deaths ascribed to “diarrhoea.”

[115] Note states: “Interments in the week ending September 15 – 124: of malignant cholera 8, cholera morbus 5…”

[116] Suburb, to the west, of Philadelphia.

[117] A minimal estimate derived from: “A number of fatal cases have recently happened at Williamsport—chiefly among laborers on the canal and other transient persons.” (Niles Weekly Register, V. 43, 27 Oct 1832, 132.) The Star and Republican Banner, Gettysburg, PA, 11-27-1832, p. 3, adds that the work was at the West Branch Canal.

[118] “Newport.—On the 17th of July the packet Hero left New York City for Newport, R. I., with a list of thirty-seven passengers. Arriving at Newport on the 18th, the vessel was quarantined by the city authorities, and all the passengers, with the exception of three ladies and one gentleman, were lodged at the United States barracks on Rose Island. At sunrise on the 25th the quarantine was raised, and the passengers were allowed to proceed to the city. During the night of the 24th Miss D., one of the two ladies who had remained on the Hero, had been taken with cholera, but as her case was not reported to the authorities, she was carried to her home in the city, where she died after a few hours. On the 25th Miss P., the second lady, took cholera, and died the next day. At almost the same hour that Miss P. was attacked, the third lady, Miss C., and the gentleman who had remained with them on the Hero, also sickened, and both died. July 30, a man who had assisted at the funeral of two of these ladies was attacked with bilious colic, from which he eventually recovered, but his wife and three children took the disease, from which the wife and two of the children died. The last cases occurred at the hospital early in August, and were followed by the death of two attendants.”

[119] A seaman having made contact with the Amelia at Folly Island (see below) and then crossing to Charleston.

[120] “3” is a translation of “several wreckers had died of the cholera” – apparently from contact with the Amelia noted below under Maritime – East Coast.

[121] “The Board of Health of the city of Nashville (Tennessee) have given public notice that the Cholera has at length reached that city: That (on the 13^th) it was believed by the Board that five or six cases of Epidemic Cholera had occurred there, and that there had been 3 deaths from said disease.”

[122] This is our made-up number based on the note: “The disease has been very severe at Hampton…”

[123] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor. Though 100 more fatalities than Tanner reports, and 95 more than Niles’, their reports end with September 11.

[124] A minimal estimate derived from: “In Virginia. The cholera has appeared with great malignancy in Northumberland county, Virginia. In some cases, whole families were swept off. In another eight out of ten persons attacked speedily died. The victims were chiefly colored persons.”

[125] Old Point Comfort is now within Hampton. The exact statement is: “Reports up to August 27 – cases, 15 soldiers, deaths 8; soldiers wives 2 and deaths 2; blacks 13, deaths 4. All these since the 20^th – a period of 6¼ days.”

[126] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor. In any event, they are significantly higher than the Niles’ or Tanner numbers, and we do not use them in our tally.

[127] Though Tanner notes 185 fatalities, the numbers cited for individual dates add to 165.

[128] It is not said where these numbers come from – perhaps from the editor.

[129] “Cholera seems to have concluded its 1832 Richmond session in a matter of several weeks, by October’s end. From a city of approximately 16,000 people…the disease claimed 453 lives — 97 whites and 356 blacks. This didn’t include the 30 prisoners who died in the state penitentiary.”

[130] “Richmond. Interments on the 3d October – 6 whites 23 colored – total 29; and 14 cases and 3 deaths in the penitentiary.”

[131] “The Compiler offers an estimate of the deaths by the cholera at Richmond – the amount is put down at 450: 97 whites, the rest colored – of the whole 89 were paupers – 6 of the public guard, out of 26 cases. In addition, there were 137 cases in the penitentiary, 29 of which terminated fatally.”

[132] This reflects 450 in Richmond and 29 in the Richmond Penitentiary.

[133] This is our made-up number based on the note: “The disease has been very severe at…Smithfield…”

[134] Listed in Virginia section.

[135] Not using this number in our estimate in that it conflicts with Tanner, which we view as more authoritative.

[136] It is not clear that these are fatalities that are in addition to the fourteen noted in Tanner (for Aug 20-Sep 1). We will add them to Tanner in our high estimate and not do so in our low estimate.

[137] “Kanawha. The disease has broken out at the salt works, and three colored persons had swiftly died of it.”

[138] Since military fatalities have been caught up in estimates by locality, we are not using this number in our tally.

[139] “Died, of the cholera, on the 3d Nov. on board the steamboat Express, on his way from Louisville to St. Louis, col. William Macrea, of the 2d regiment U.S. artillery, aged 65 years, upwards of 41 of which had been passed in the service of his country.”

[140] Cites: Kenneth F. Kiple, ed. Plague, Pox, & Pestilence. NY: Barnes & Noble Books, 1997, p. 142.

[141] Cites: Marks, Geoffrey and William K. Beatty. Epidemics. NY: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1976, p. 191.

[142] Cites: Marks and Beatty 1976, 194.

[143] Beardslee has it as October in Newcastle.

[144] Cites: Rosenberg. The Cholera Years. 1987.

[145] “The Hooghly River…is an approximately…160 mi…long distributary of the Ganges River in West Bengal, India.” (Wikipedia. “Hooghly River.” 4-18-2012 modification.)

[146] “In biology, galvanism is the contraction of a muscle that is stimulated by an electric current.” (Wikipedia. “Galvanism.” 4-19-2012 modification.)

[147] “…located at the foot of Rock Island, Illinois, in the Mississippi River between present-day Illinois and Iowa. It was five miles from the principal Sac and Fox village on Rock River in Illinois.” (Wikipedia. “”Fort Armstrong, Illinois.” 2-2-2012 modification.)

[148] Rosenberg cites: Edward H. Hixon, Scenes in the Practice of a New York Surgeon (New York, 1855), p. 15; John Stearns to the New York City Board of Health, July 19, 1832, Filed Papers of the Common council, File Drawer T-592, Municipal Archives and Records Center.

[149] Cites: Diary of a Young Man in Albany, July 18, 1832, Manuscript Division, New York Historical Society.

[150] Illinois, on the Mississippi River, across from Iowa.

[151] Sax and Fox Tribe of the Mississippi in Iowa today. Speak Algonquian dialect.

[152] When this same report from The Bee is printed in the Adams Sentinel on Nov 27, it is written that “270 [died] on the 2^nd November.”

[153] About 87 miles to the west of New Orleans.

[154] Both communities are in western Maryland, with Sharpsburg to the west of Boonsboro. Martinsburg, WV is to the west of Sharpsburg by about thirteen miles, and Hagerstown, MD to the northwest about five miles. Work was taking place at the time on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal.

[155] Samuel Fisher, pastor of the Paterson Presbyterian Church in Paterson, maintained a census of Patterson and also recorded all deaths there from July 5, 1832 to December 31, 1833. The part of this record from July 5, 1832 to October 14, 1832, after which there are no more reported cholera deaths, is posted on the web. Pastor Fisher recorded name, address, age, cause of death, and, at times, personal observations. The cholera related deaths have been counted from within this broader listing of all deaths.

[156] Due north on Hackensack River.

[157] Powell article ends with statement: Excerpted from the book: Hill, Henry Wayland, Ed. Municipality of Buffalo, New York, A History. 1720-1923. Lewis Historical Publishing Company, Inc. New York. Chicago.

[158] References Nelson Blake, Water for the Cities. Syracuse, 1956.

[159] “Dyspepsia can be defined as painful, difficult, or disturbed digestion, which may be accompanied by symptoms such as nausea and vomiting, heartburn, bloating, and stomach discomfort.” (The Free Dictionary)

[160] References: A Physician. A Rational View of the Spasmodic Cholera… Boston: 1832, p. 17.

[161] Cites: Truth Teller. New York, 6-2-1832.

[162] Cites: New York Evening Post, 2-3-1832.

[163] Cites: New York City, Board of Assistants. Report of the Committee on Cleaning Streets. Doc 36. NY: 1832.

[164] References Truth Teller. NY, 6-23-1832.

[165] The information about Mr. Fitzgerald and the statement that the disease had not shown itself between Canada and NYC is from: Atkins. Reports of Hospital Physicians…in Relation to The Epidemic Cholera of 1832. 1832, 9.

[166] “There was a Health Commission, appointed by the Governor, which had charge of Quarantine and the Marine Hospital. The internal economy of the city was intrusted to the care of a board composed of the Mayor, the Recorder, and certain of the Aldermen. In designating its constituents, entirely political, and devoid of professional qualifications, enough as been said to determine its lack of efficiency.” (NYT, Epidemics of NY, Feb 16, 1896)

[167] Rosenberg footnote 21: “The original reports may be found in the City Clerk’s Papers, File Drawer U-58, Municipal Archives and Records Center. John Stearns, one of the city’s most prominent physicians, went to the mayor and begged him to announce that the epidemic had broken out. The mayor, however, denied that the cases reported were anything out of the ordinary. John Stearns, Concerning the Cholera Epidemic, MS 170, Rare Book Room, New York Academy of Medicine.

[168] Cites: Cholera Bulletin, July 9, 13, 1832. Atkins writes, in relation to these hospitals, that “During the nine weeks from the 1^st of July to the 1^st of September, there were treated in them 2,030 patients, of whom 852 died, 1117 were cured, and 62 were convalescent at the time of closing them.” (Atkins. Reports of Hospital Physicians…in Relation to The Epidemic Cholera of 1832. 1832, 11.)

[169] No mention is made of possible motivation. There were similar “attacks” in Ireland however, described as motivated by mistrust of the hospital authorities.

[170] Upriver from Edenton, NC, near Murfreesboro and the Virginia border.

[171] Footnote in Niles: “Persons committed to this prison are nearly all vagrant and disorderly, and petty thieves, and generally drunkards. The ravages which the cholera made among them, contributes to prove, what the history of the disease elsewhere exhibits, that the intemperate are remarkably its victims.”

[172] A township about 20 miles west of Philadelphia in Chester County.

[173] Still a part of Virginia at the time, being admitted to the Union as a new state on June 20, 1863. Nonetheless, we are breaking West Virginia deaths out of Virginia deaths.

[174] And about two miles west of Harpers Ferry.

[175] Mercury (I) chloride. Used until the early 20^th century, when taken internally, as a laxative and disinfectant. (Wikipedia. “Mercury(I) chloride.”)

[176] Used to treat cold and fever.

[177] Herb or preparation used in attempt to prevent gas formation in gastrointestinal tract.

[178] Pain in the stomach.

[179] Pain reliever.

[180] Intestinal obstruction.

[181] A type of skin infection. (U.S. National Library of Medicine. PubMed Health. “Erysipelas.” 2010.)

[182] Phlegmasia alba doles literally means “painful white endema.”

[183] Medicine. “…any material, such as bedding or clothing, that may harbour pathogens and therefore convey disease.” (The Free Dictionary.)

[184] Dr. Jameson was a consulting physician for Baltimore during the cholera epidemic of 1832. (Jameson 1855, 102.)

1832 — June–Dec 16, Cholera epidemics, esp. DC, LA, MD, NJ, NY, OH, PA, VA-16,781-18,491