45K-51,428

lornajarrettblanchard January 1, 1849

— 100,000 Grob. The Deadly Truth: A History of Disease in America. 2002, p. 105.[2]

–45,509-51,428 Blanchard compilation based on State and locality data below.

— 31,506[3] U.S. Office of the Census, 1850 (to June 1).[4]

— <13,000 All U.S. except NYC. Rosenberg 1963, pp. 114-16.

Summary of State and Other Breakouts Below:

336 Alabama Mobile, especially Jan-June

33 Arkansas Summer-Winter

95 California Summer-Winter

>10 Colorado Julesburg

59 Connecticut Hartford especially Summer-Winter

95 Delaware Wilmington, especially Summer-Fall

7 District of Columbia Summer

1,946 Illinois Chicago, Peru, Quincy, esp. March 23-Sep 7

1,312-1,320 Indiana , esp. Aurora, Lafayette, Madison, Washington, Richmond Summer-Fall

111 Iowa, especially Keokuk Summer-Fall

35 Kansas, Kansas City and Fort Leavenworth

1,870 Kentucky, esp. Lexington (311), Louisville (254), Maysville (165) May-Aug

2,791-3,577 Louisiana, especially New Orleans and plantations, esp. Lafourche Parish

133 Maine Summer-Fall

159 Maryland, especially Baltimore Almshouse. Summer-Fall

1,064 Massachusetts, esp. Boston and Hamden Co. Summer-Fall especially

208 Michigan, esp. Detroit and Dutch settlements at Drenthe, Grandville, Zeeland

4 Minnesota Territory Summer

346 Mississippi Summer-Fall

4,294-4,579 Missouri, St. Louis Summer-Fall especially

47 New Hampshire Summer-Fall

673 New Jersey, especially Newark, Paterson, Camden, Bergen Neck Summer-Fall

3 New Mexico Territory Summer-Autumn.

6,313-7,521 New York, especially NYC; also Buffalo, Albany, Westchester Co. Poor-House.

29 North Carolina Summer-Autumn

7,581-9,919 Ohio, esp. Cincinnati; also Sandusky, State Penitentiary at Columbus, elsewhere

1,740 Pennsylvania, especially Philadelphia and Pittsburgh suburb of Birmingham.

>177 Rhode Island, especially Providence Summer-Autumn

9 South Carolina Autumn

736 Tennessee, especially Memphis and Nashville. Summer-Autumn especially

1,274-1,365 Texas, esp. San Antonio, Brownsville, Laredo, and Port Lavaca.

76 Utah Territory Summer-Autumn

30 Vermont Summer-Autumn

764 Virginia Summer-Autumn

7-<10 West Va, Brownsville, Charleston, Hillsboro, Moundsville, Parkersburg, Wheeling

>301 Wisconsin, Milwaukee.

<5,000 Immigrants going West, particularly because of the Gold Rush of 1849.

>239 River Steamboats, especially Mississippi River.

5,600-6,500 Plains Native Americans, especially Cheyenne, Comanche, Pawnee, Omaha

Deaths by State

Alabama (336) (Jan-July)

–336 State Kotar and Gessler. Cholera. 1014, p. 351.

–150 Blanchard tally of locality breakouts below.

— 30 State Sum-Winter U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 1855, p. 51.[5]

— 1 Marion Co., July, Mary E. Bottoms. Sudberry. Marion Co., AL 1850 Mortality Schedule.[6]

–149 Mobile,[7] Mobile Co. Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” 1885, 29.

–129 “ Jan-June McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…In…America.” 1875, 615.

Arkansas ( 33)

— 33 State Sum-Winter U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 1855, p. 53.[8]

— 1 Chicot Co., June 21, Thomas Claiborne Saunders. Smith. Genealogical Abstracts…, p. 73.

— 1 Little Rock, June 9, Commodore Perry Wilson, 22. Hemdrix. Mount Holly Cemetery…

California ( 95)

— 95 Summer-Winter U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 1855, p. 57.[9]

Colorado (>10?)

— >10? Julesburg CO Dept. Health. Health in Colorado…First…Years. 1969, p. 2.[10]

Connecticut (59)

— 59 State U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 1855, p. 59.[11]

— 1 Griswold, April 20, Sally Whipple. Yoder, Paula. “Alfred Davis/Sally Whipple from CT.”

— 22 Hartford CT Med. Society. Proceedings…Medical Society, 1855, p. 43.[12]

— ? New Haven (5 cases) CT Med. Society. Proceedings…Med. Society, 1896, p. 327.[13]

— ? Tariffville, early Dec. Wisc. Free Democrat. “Cholera in Connecticut.” 12-12-1849, 2.

— ? Woodbury. Cothren. History of Ancient Woodbury… (Vol. 2), p. 1454.[14]

Delaware ( 95) (Summer-Fall)

–95 State Summer-Fall. U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 1855, p. 63.[15]

— 1 St. Georges, July 6, Eli Sellers Kulp. Kulp, G. (Ed.). Luzerne Legal Register. 1883, 304-05.

–65 Wilmington, Jun 29-Aug 3. Scharf, J.T. History of Delaware: 1609-1888 (V1), 1888, 506.[16]

District of Col. ( 7)

— 7 June 25-July 6 Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-9-1849, p. 2.[17]

— 4 Summer. U.S. Census Office. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 1855, p. 59.

Illinois (1,946) (March 23-Sep 7)

— 1,946 State Summer-Fall Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 87.[18]

–1,552-1,653 State Blanchard tally from locality breakouts below.

— 80 Alton, Madison Co., May 19-Aug 8. Telegraph & Review, Alton, IL. 8-10-1849.[19]

–13 “ May 19-June 29 Telegraph & Review, Alton, IL. 8-10-1849, p. 2.[20]

–14 “ June 30-July 5 Telegraph & Review, Alton, IL. 8-10-1849, p. 2.[21]

–13 “ July 6-12 Telegraph & Review, Alton, IL. 8-10-1849, p. 2.[22]

–24 “ July 13-19 Telegraph & Review, Alton, IL. 8-10-1849, p. 2.[23]

–11 “ July 20-26 Telegraph & Review, Alton, IL. 8-10-1849, p. 2.[24]

— 5 “ July 27-Aug 1 Telegraph & Review, Alton, IL. 8-10-1849, p. 2.[25]

— 0 “ Aug 2-8 Telegraph & Review, Alton, IL. 8-10-1849, p. 2.[26]

— 45 Aurora, Kane Co., Aug 17-30. Illinois Free Trader, 1849.[27]

–3 “ McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 618.

— 92 Belleville, St. Clair Co. Browning. To The Golden Shore. 1995, p. 279.[28]

— 4 Big Woods vic. ~Aurora, Sep 7 report. Illinois Free Trader, 1849.

— 60 Bishop Hill, Henry County. Luciano. Journal Star, Peoria, IL. 10-18-2014.

— 1 Bloomington, McLean Co., Jul 17. Custer. “The Roll…Dead…Cholera…” 1929.[29]

— 10 Cairo, Alexander Co., Mar 23-Sep 12. Cairo Delta (Darrel Dexter, transcriber).

–4 “ March 23-29 Cairo Delta, Mar 29.[30] Darrel Dexter, transcriber.[31]

–1 “ April 11, Lewis M. Young. Dexter (transcriber). Obits. from Cairo Delta.

–1 “ July 9, T. J. Smith Cairo Delta, July 12 (Darrel Dexter, transcriber).

–3 “ July 12-19 Cairo Delta, July 19 (Darrel Dexter, transcriber).

–1 “ Aug 6 Cairo Delta, Aug 9 (Darrel Dexter, transcriber).[32]

–1 “ Sep 12 Cairo Delta, Sep 13 (Darrel Dexter, transcriber).[33]

— 678 Chicago Childs. A History of the United States. 1886, p. 12.

— 678[34] “ McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 618.

— 678 “ Wynne 1852, p. 28.[35]

–314 “ Apr 29-Aug 28 McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 617.

— 94 “ June Browning. To The Golden Shore. 1995, p. 289.

— 1 Collinsville, Madison Co., July 18, Rev. Zadock Darrow.[36]

— 8 Copperas Creek Landing Weekly Wisconsin, Milwaukee. 12-12-1849, p. 1.[37]

— 4 Flagg’s Creek. McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 618.

— 1 Fox River Norwegian Settlement, LaSalle Co., George Johnson. Dickson “Sloopers”

— 6 Freedom Twp., La Salle Co., Aug 25. Hoffman. History…La Salle Co… 503. 520.

— 4 Galena mid-Apr McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 617.

— 1 Griggsville Landing, Pike Co., June 16, Bro. Robert Moore, Columbia Lodge 21.[38]

— 1 Hodge’s Landing, Union Co., May 12, James L. Hodges.[39]

— 8 Joliet, Will Co., Jun 23-Aug 24.[40] Hutten. Death…Notices Joliet…1849-1854.

— 6-7 Lancaster Landing, late Nov. Weekly Wisconsin, Milwaukee. 12-12-1849, p. 1.[41]

— 4 Lily[42] Jul 25, 29. Custer. “The Roll of the Dead…Cholera…” 1929.

— 13 Liverpool, Fulton Co.[43] July Luciano. Journal Star, Peoria, IL. 10-18-2014.

— ~50 Millstadt, St. Clair Co. 4 wks. Centennial Jubilee Trinity Lutheran Church. P2.[44]

–9 “ July 7-31. “Trinity Lutheran Church, Millstadt…Deaths.”[45]

— 1 Mission Twn., LaSalle Co., Knud Olson Hetletveldt. Dickson. “The ‘Sloopers’…”

— 1 Momence, Kankakee Co.[46] July 28, Abijah Rowley. Hutten. Death…Notices…

— 1 Norway vic., LaSalle Co.,[47] Gudmund Haukass. Dickson. “The ‘Sloopers’…”

— 16 Ottawa, LaSalle Co., Aug 3-Oct 5. Blanchard tally from sources below.

–6 “ Aug 3-10. Illinois Free Trader, 1849.

–7 “ Aug 11-17. Illinois Free Trader, 1849.

–1 “ Sep 30, Grace A Hinman. Sara Hemp. “Benjamin Hinman Biography.” 2009.

–1 “ Oct 1, Jay S. Hinman. Sara Hemp. “Benjamin Hinman Biography.” 2009.

–1 “ Oct 5, Col John Jay Hinman. Hemp. “Benjamin Hinman Biography.” 2009.

— 1 Pawpaw Grove, June 26. Labath. The Gazette, Davenport and Scott, IA. 7-5-1849.

— >200 Peru, La Salle County Inter-State. History of La Salle County (Vol. 1), p. 857.[48]

— Hundreds. Peru Historical Committee. Peru Illinois Centennial May 25-26, 1935… p. 11.

— 14 Pontiac vic., Aug 23-28, Sep 1-3. Custer. “The Roll of…Dead…Cholera…” 1929.

— 236-336 Quincy, Adams Co.[49] Collins and Perry. Past…City of Quincy… 1905, p. 121.[50]

— ? Rock Island. The Gazette, Davenport, IA. “Cholera.” 8-30-1849, p. 2, col. 2.[51]

— 2 Stout’s Grove, Tazewell Co., Jul-Aug. Custer. “The Roll…Dead…Cholera…” 1929.

— 1 Tremont, Tazewell Co., July 23. Custer. “The Roll of the Dead…Cholera…” 1929.

Indiana (1,312-1,320) (Summer-Fall especially)

–1,312-1,320 State Blanchard range using Census for low end and high end of tally for high.

— 1,312 “ Summer-Fall Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 91.[52]

–1,058-1,320 “ “ Blanchard tally of locality breakouts below.[53]

— ? Alamo, Montgomery Co. (mentioned as having fatalities; unable to confirm)

— 133-135 Aurora, Dearborn Co.[54] Daly and Sutton range.

–135 “ Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley…”

–133 “ Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera… pp. 111-16.[55]

–123 “ Diannero. “Cholera Epidemic, Dearborn…1849.”[56]

— 1 “ May 19, 1^st death. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera…. p. 111-12.[57]

— 1 “ May 27, 2^nd death. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p.116.[58]

— 1 “ June 5, 3rd death. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 112.

— 1 “ June 5, 4th death. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 112.[59]

— 1 “ June 9, 5th death. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 112.[60]

— 6 “ June 11 Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 113.

— 8 “ June 12 Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 113.[61]

— 4 “ June 13 Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 114.

–14 “ June 14 Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 114.

— 5 “ June 15 Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 114.

— 6 “ June 16 Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 114.

—>4 “ June 17-20 Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 114.[62]

—>2 “ June 21 Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 114.[63]

–14 “ July 3 Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 116.

— 1 “ Aug 2, last death Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 116.

–13 “ June-July, evacuee deaths “in the country.” Sutton. Rpt. IN Med Soc., p. 116.

— ? Bartholomew County. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 135.[64]

— 53 Boston, Wayne Co. Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley of America.”

— >3 Brookville, Franklin Co. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 128.[65]

— 2 Dearborn Co. countryside (from Henry Swanega). Sutton. Rpt. IN Med… p. 117.[66]

— 8 Dearborn Co. countryside (from Mrs. W). Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society… p. 117.[67]

— 7 Delphi, Carroll Co., July Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 140.[68]

— >1 Dillsborough, Dearborn Co. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society…Cholera in 1849. p.118.[69]

— >1 Dover, Dearborn County. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 118.[70]

— 18-20 Elizabethtown, Bartholomew Co. Daly. “The…Cholera Comes to Central Valley…”

— 30 Fort Wayne, Allen Co., Aug-Sep. Allen Co. Genealogical… Fort Wayne Sentinel.

— 4 Frankfort, Clinton Co., Aug. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera…. pp. 140-141.

— 10-12 Grant County. July Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 137.[71]

— 2 Greensburgh, Decatur Co. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 135.[72]

— 2 Greenville, Floyd Co. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 155.

— >14 Hanover, Jefferson Co.[73] Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley…”

— 1 Harrison County, June 29. Indiana Duggins, 4 years old. [74]

— ~3 Indianapolis, July 31-early Aug. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera… p. 142.

— >5 Jasper, Dubois Co., July Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society…Cholera in 1849. 152-53.[75]

— >3 Jeffersonville, Montgomery County.[76]

— >40 Jennings County. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 134.

— 26 Kelso Twp., Dearborn Co., July. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Soc. on Cholera… p.118.[77]

–300-430 Lafayette, Tippecanoe Co. Blanchard range using Daly for low and Sutton for high.

–130-430 “ July 3 start. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 140.[78]

— 300 “ Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley…”[79]

— 1 “ July 3 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.[80]

— 1 “ July 4 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 1 “ July 6 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 1 “ July 7 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 3 “ July 10 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 4 “ July 11 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 1 “ July 13 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 6 “ July 14 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 2 “ July 15 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 6 “ July 17 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 3 “ July 19 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 9 “ July 20 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 1 “ July 21 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 9 “ July 22 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 2 “ July 23 Dyer. Transcription of Wabash Atlas, Lafayette, 7-24-1849.

— 17 Lawrenceburg, Dearborn Co.[81] Diannero. “Cholera Epidemic, Dearborn…1849…”[82]

— ~15 Liberty, Union County. July-Aug. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera… 136.[83]

–163-168 Madison, Jefferson County, on Ohio River. Daly and Rosenberg range.

–163 “ Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley…”

–168 “ Rosenberg 1962, 116.[84]

— 8 “ July 14 Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis. “Progress of…” 7-19-1849, 2.

— 2 “ July 15 Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis. “Progress of…” 7-19-1849, 2.

— >1 Manchester Twp., Dearborn Co. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera…. p. 118.[85]

— ? Mauckport June 14 paper writes “A few cases have occurred again at…Mauckport…”[86]

— 1 Michigan City, LaPorte Co., Aug 10., Cpt. Gunwaldson, evacuee from Chicago.[87]

— >2 Mount Meridian, Putnam Co. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p150.[88]

— 35 Napoleon, Ripley Co.[89] Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley…”[90]

–34-40 New Albany, Floyd County. [91] Daly and Sutton sources.

–34 “ Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley…”[92]

–40 “ April-mid autumn. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 153.[93]

–20-30 New Boston, Harrison Co. Carroll. Observations on…Asiatic Cholera… 1854, p.36.[94]

–49-80 Richmond, Wayne County. Blanchard range using Blakey for low and Carroll for high.

–49 “ Blakey. “The Year Richmond, Indiana, Got Lost…”[95]

–80 “ Carroll. Observations on…Asiatic Cholera… 1854, p.36.[96]

— 1 Rising Sun, Ohio Co., May 31. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 130.

— 30 Salem, Washington Co. Aug. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 153.

— >8 Sparta Twp., Dearborn Co. Diannero. “Cholera Epidemic, Dearborn County, 1849…”[97]

— 10 Versailles vic., Ripley Co., mid-July. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society…Cholera…. 129.[98]

— 3 Vevay, Switzerland County. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 132.

–60-100 Washington, Daviess Co. [99] Blanchard range using Rosenberg low, Scudder for high.

–100 “ Scudder. “…Washington…,” in Woodworth 1875, 386.[100]

— 60 “ Rosenberg 1962, 116.

— 9 Wilmington, Dearborn Co. Sutton. Rpt. IN Med. Society on Cholera in 1849. p. 118.[101]

Iowa ( 111)

–111 State Summer-Fall Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 93.[102]

— 2 Davenport Labath. Transcription of The Gazette, Davenport, “Cholera” 7-5-1849.

— 38 Keokuk, ~Jun 12-Jul 12. Labath (transcriber), Davenport Gazette. “Cholera.” 7-19-1849.

–12 “ July 6-12. Labath. Transcription, Gazette, Davenport. “Cholera.” 7-19-1849.[103]

Kansas ( 35)

— 11 Fort Leavenworth, Leavenworth Co., May. McRae. “The Third Regiment…” 1895, p. 683.

— 24 Kansas City.[104] Kansas State Historical Society. Transactions…1905-1906 (V9). 1906, 282

Kentucky (1,870) (May-Aug)

— 1,870 State U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 96.[105]

–986-1,137 “ Blanchard tally based on locality breakouts below.

Breakout of 1849 Kentucky Cholera deaths by locality:

— 2 Augusta, Bracken Co., May Collins/Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.[106]

— 2 Bank Lick, Kenton Co., July 5 & 9. Perrin/Battle/Kniffin. Kentucky: A History. 1887, 823.[107]

— 1 Blandville, Ballard Co., July 23, O.H. Miller. Cairo Delta, IL, Jul 26 (Dexter, transcriber).

— ~3 Bowling Green, Warren Co., June. Collins/Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p.59.[108]

— 1 Burlington, Boone Co., May Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

–>60 Columbia, Adair County. Woodworth 1875, 314. [109]

–~40 Covington, Kenton Co., July Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.[110]

— 9 Danville, Boyle Co. Aug Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.[111]

— 36 Fayette County July Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— ? Frankfort mid June Tioga (Wellsborough) Eagle, PA. 6-27-1849, p. 2.[112]

— 2 Georgetown, Scott Co., May Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— 1 Independence vic., Kenton Co. Perrin, Battle, Kniffin. Kentucky: A History. 1887, 842.[113]

— 14 Lexington “lunatic asylum” May. Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— 33 “ “ June Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

–311 Lexington, Fayette Co., June-Aug. Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— 21 “ June Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

–217 “ July Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— 73 “ Aug Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— >1 Lincoln County. McClellan. “A History…Cholera…America.” 1875, 618.

–103-254 Louisville, Jefferson Co.,[114] May-early Aug. Blanchard tally from sources below.[115]

— 33 “ May 1-25 Wynne. Report on Epidemic Cholera…in 1849… 1852, 19.

— 45 “ May 20-Jul 23. McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 618.

— 60 “ June Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

–141 “ July Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— 7 “ July 14 Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis. “Progress…” 7-19-1849, 2.

–50 “ July 23-24 Bell in Wynne. Report on Epidemic Cholera… 1852, 21.

— 20 “ early Aug[116] Bell in Wynne. Report on Epidemic Cholera… 1852, 21.

— 26 Mason Co., other than Maysville, May. Collins & Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, 59.

— 11 “ (Harlow Yancey fam.) July. Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

–166 Maysville, Mason Co. Blanchard tally based on breakouts below.

— 19 “ May Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, 59.

— 34 “ and vic., June Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

–112 “ July Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— 1 “ Sep 29 Bro. John C. Avery, age ~25, of De Kalb Lodge No 12.[117]

— 5 Newport Barracks (85 cases) Wendt (ed.). Asiatic Cholera. 1885, p. 81.

— 14 Paducah, McCracken Co., on TN & ON Rivs., July. Collins. History of [KY]. 1882, 59.

— 59 Paris, Bourbon Co., on Stoner Fork of Licking Riv. July. Collins. History…[KY] 1882, 59.

— 23 “ “ Aug Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— 16 Richmond, Madison Co., July Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— 36 “ Aug Collins and Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, p. 59.

— 10 Rockcastle County. McClellan. “A History…Cholera…America.” 1875, 618.

— 1 Versailles, Woodford Co., ~KY Riv. May. Collins/Collins. History of Kentucky. 1882, 59.

Louisiana (2,791-3,577)

–2,791-3,577 State Blanchard range based on localities and sources below.

–1,590 State Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 107.[118]

–443 Northern LA Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 99.[119]

–802 Southern LA Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 103.[120]

–345 City sections, Jefferson and Orleans Parishes. Census. 1850, p. 105.

— 16 Barrow plantation slaves, unidentified Parish. Chambers 1838, p. 210.[121]

— 9 Dollar plantation slaves, unidentified Parish. Chambers 1838, p. 210.[122]

— 3-4 Franklin, St. Mary Parish Southport American (WI). Jan 24, 1949, p.1.

— 1 Lafayette, Jefferson Parish, May 15, George Baumgard, Jr. 21.[123]

— 5 Lafourche Parish (near Col. Key plantation). From Col Key in Wynne, 8-9.[124]

— 69 “ May 1-~May 19. Bibb plantation slaves, near Thibodaux. Wynne, p. 12.[125]

— 7 “ June 16-23. Billow plantation slaves. Billow Statement in Wynne, p. 11.[126]

— 69 “ Bishop Polk plant. slaves, May 3-June 10. Boatner in Wynne, 9.[127]

— 1 “ Blount girl 2 miles above Bishop Polk place. Boatner in Wynne, 9.

— 9 “ Col. Key plantation, 12-29-1848-April. Booth in Wynne, p. 8.[128]

— 13 “June 14-July 14. Donaldson plantation. Donaldson statement, Wynne, 11.[129]

— 10 “ Hymel plantation slaves. Hymel Statement in Wynne, p. 10.[130]

— 1 “ late Jan. Judge Guion plantation slaves, Guion statement in Wynne, p. 9.

— 19 “ Feb 13-Mar 13 Osbourne plantation. Osborne statement, Wynne, p. 10.[131]

— 12 “ Jan 13-17. Tete plantation slaves. A. Tete Statement in Wynne, p. 10.[132]

— 3 “ Mrs. White’s plantation. White & Dr. Doncereux in Wynne, 10.

–2,500-3,285 New Orleans, Orleans Parish[133] Blanchard range using sources noted below.

— 4,822 “ Ellis, J. H. Yellow Fever & Public Health…New South. 1992, 30[134]

— 4,100 “ Cable, George W. The Creoles of Louisiana. 1885, p. 292.[135]

–~4,000 “ Chambers 1938, p. 200.[136]

— 3,500 “ Chambers 1938, 199. [we subtract 500 Dec deaths noted on 199][137]

— 3,285 “ Fenner. “Reports…Louisiana.” Southern Med. Reports, 1851, p.37.

— 3,285 “ Simonds. “On the Sanitary Condition of New Orleans,” 1851, 216.

— 3,176 “ Duffy (ed.). Rudolph Matas History of Medicine in Louisiana. 143.

— 3,176 “ Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” 1885, p. 30.

–~3,000 “ Jenkins. “The Cholera in 1849,” Pubs…MHS. 1903, 275.

–>3,000 “ Wikipedia. “Cholera.”

— 2,500[138] “ McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…” 1875, 609.

— 2,500 “ Peters. “General History…Disease…,” 1885, 27.

— 1,728 “ by Feb end Chambers 1938, p. 200.

— 1,400 “ by Jan 20. Chambers 1938, p. 200.

–400 “ Dec 1848. McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 609.

— 8 “ Dec 2, 1^st deaths, German immigrants off infected steamer New York.[139]

— 802 “ Dec 13-31[140] Niles’ National Register, 75/1929, 1-17-1849, p. 33.

— 22 “ Dec 22, Charity Hosp. Niles’ National Register, 1-3-1849, 1.

— 69 “ Dec 22. City. Niles’ National Register, 1-3-1849, 1.

— 43 “ Dec 23, Charity Hosp. Niles’ National Register, 1-3-1849, 1.

–600 “ Jan 1849 McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 609.

–77 “ Jan 4-5, 48 hrs. Boston Post, MA. “New Orleans…”. 1-9-1849, 2.

–38 “ Jan 6-7, 24 hrs. Niles’ National Register, 75/1929, 1-17-1849, p33.

–56 “ Jan 7-8 (Interments of cholera dead two days).[141]

–11 “ Jan 7 (Charity Hosp.). Boston Post. “The Cholera.” 1-19-1849, p.2.

–11 “ Jan 8 (Charity Hosp.). Boston Post. “The Cholera.” 1-19-1849, p.2.

–222 “ Feb 1849. Simonds, “On…New Orleans,” 1851, 230.

–700 “ March Chambers 1938, p. 200.

–360 “ April Chambers 1938, p. 200.

–430 “ May Chambers 1938, p. 200.

–250 “ June Chambers 1938, p. 200.

— 4 “ Aug 1849. McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 619.

— 1 “ Sep 1849. McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, 619.

–100 “ Oct-Nov Chambers 1938, p. 200.[142]

— ? Shreveport, Caddo Parish Wynne. Report on Epidemic Cholera…, 1852, p. 3.[143]

— >2 Thibodaux, Lafourche Parish, 2^nd Col. Key plantation. Colonel Key in Wynne, p. 8.[144]

— 3 Trinity, Catahoula Parish.[145] Forshey. “On the Hydrography…Miss…1850,” 1851, 166

— 39 Waterproof, Tensas Parish. Civilian and Galveston Gazette, TX. “Fearful Mortality.”[146]

Maine ( 133)

— 133 State Summer-Fall Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 117.

Maryland ( 159)

— 159 State Summer-Fall Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 119.

— 3 Baltimore Wynne 1852, p. 75.[147]

— 86 Baltimore Almshouse, July. Quinan. Medical Annals of Baltimore… 1884, 39.[148]

— 99 “ July 7-Aug 9 Wynne 1852, p. 73-74.

–1 “ July 7 Wynne 1852, p. 71.

–1 “ July 11 Wynne 1852, p. 71.

–2 “ July 12 Wynne 1852, p. 71.

–1 “ July 13 Wynne 1852, p. 71.

Massachusetts (1,064)

–1,064 State Summer-Fall Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 133.

— 791 “ Blanchard tally from sources below, not including Simonds or Willsey.[149]

–5,080 Boston[150] Simonds. The American Date Book, 1902, 83. [Not used.]

–5,080 “ Willsey/Lewis. Harper’s Book of Facts. 1895, p. 115. [Not used.]

— 611 “ Boston Post. “Deaths by Cholera in Boston.” 10-19-1849, p. 2.[151]

— 611 “ Childs 1886, p. 128.

— 611 “ College of Physicians…Philadelphia. “Cholera…Boston, 1849.”[152]

— 611 “ MA Record. “Deaths by Cholera in Boston, 1849.” p299.[153]

— 611 “ Wynne 1852, p. 57.[154]

— 8 “ June MA Record. “Deaths by Cholera in Boston, 1849.” p. 299.

— 8 “ June Wynne 1852, p. 57.

— 52 “ July MA Record. “Deaths by Cholera in Boston, 1849.” p. 299.

— 46 “ July Wynne 1852, p. 57.

–1 “ July 5, Nancy McFarland, 60. Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-13-1849, p. 2.

–1 “ July 7, John Hardy, 43. Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-9-1849, p. 2.

–1 “ July 8, Michael Delaney. Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-13-1849, p. 2.

–2 “ July 9, Edward (65), Henora (48) Crow. Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-13-’49, 2.

–6 “ July 10 Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-13-1849, p. 2.[155]

–2 “ July 11 Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-13-1849, p. 2.[156]

–1 “ July 12, Mrs. Honora Carroll. Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-13-1849, p. 2.

–418 “ Aug MA Record. “Deaths by Cholera in Boston, 1849.” p. 299.

–412 “ Aug Wynne 1852, p. 57.

— 8 “ Aug 20 Boston Post. “Cholera Report.” 8-22-1849, p. 2.

— 5 “ Aug 21 Boston Post. “Cholera Report.” 8-22-1849, p. 2.

–18 “ Aug 30-31 Boston Post. “Cholera in Boston.” 9-1-1849, p. 2, col. 3.[157]

–133 “ Sep MA Record. “Deaths by Cholera in Boston, 1849.” p. 299.

–142 “ Sep Wynne 1852, p. 57.

–44 “ Sep 9-15 Daily Sanduskian, OH. “Telegraphic Dispatches.” 9-15-1849, 2.

— 3 “ Oct Wynne 1852, p. 57.

— 1 Canton, Norfolk Co., Aug 19. Boston Post. “Cholera Report.” 8-22-1849, p. 2.

— 4 Carbotville [?], Boston Post. “Cholera.” 9-1-1849, p. 2, col. 2.

— 8 Charlestown, Aug 26-Sep 1. Boston Post. “Cholera.” 9-3-1849, p. 2, col. 2.

— 17 Charlestown Point. Boston Post. “Correspondence…” 8-30-1849, p.2.

— 5 Duckville Boston Post. “Cholera.” 9-3-1849, p. 2, col. 2.

–>100 Hamden Co., Jul 21-Sep 1. Boston Med Surg J. “Cholera in Hampden County, Mass.”[158]

— 8 Lowell, Middlesex County Blanchard tally from breakouts below.

–1 “ July 4, William Wood. Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-9-1849, p. 2.

–3 “ Aug 20, Mrs. Chellis, 2 others. Boston Post. “Cholera Report.” 8-22-1849, p. 2.

–4 “ Aug 23 Boston Post. “By Last Night’s Mails.” 8-25-‘49, 2.

— 7 Lynn Almshouse Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 9-3-1849, p. 2, col. 2.

— 2 Middleborough, late Aug. Boston Post. “Cholera in Boston.” 9-1-1849, p.2/c3.

— 4 Provincetown, Aug 19-25 Boston Post. “By Last Night’s Mails.” 8-25-’49, 2.

— 5 Quincy, Mar 18. Prairie Du Chien Patriot, WI. April 18, 1849, p. 2.

— 3 “ Aug 26-Sep 1. Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 9-3-1849, p. 2, col. 2.

— 2 Randolph, Norfolk Co., Aug 12-18. Boston Post. “Cholera Report.” 8-22-1849, p. 2.

— 1 South Danvers Boston Post. “Cholera.” 9-3-1849, p. 2, col. 2.

— 14 Taunton, Bristol Co., ~Aug 12-18. Boston Post. “Cholera Report.” 8-22-1849, p. 2.[159]

— 13 Waltham, by Sep 3. Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 9-3-1849, p. 2, col. 2.

–2 “ Aug 31 Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 9-3-1849, p. 2, col. 2.

— 1 Worcester, July 11 Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-13-1849, p. 2.[160]

Michigan ( 208)

–208 State Blanchard tally from locality breakouts below.

–135 State Summer-Fall U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 137.

–160 Detroit, July 2-Sep 15. Detroit Free Press (C.M. Burton). “Detroit in 1849.” 10-2-1910.[161]

— 0 “ June 1-26, though “two died from drinking cold water.”[162]

— 1 “ July 2 (1^st official death notice). Detroit Free Press. “Detroit in 1849.” 10-2-1910.[163]

–159 “ July 15-Sep 15. Detroit Free Press (Burton). “Detroit in 1849.” 10-2-1910.[164]

— 39 “ July 17-23. Detroit Free Press (Burton). “Detroit in 1849.” 10-2-1910.[165]

— 7 “ July 24-30. Detroit Free Press (Burton). “Detroit in 1849.” 10-2-1910.

— ~6 Drenthe, Zeeland Charter Twp. Verhave. Disease and Death Among… 2006, 18.[166]

— >18 Grandville, Kent Co. Adrian Hage, in: Verhave. Disease and Death…” 2006, 19.[167]

— 8 Jackson, Jackson Co., Cooper family. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg. 8-13-1849, p. 4.[168]

— 8 Mackinaw Weekly Wisconsin. “Cholera at Mackinaw,” 9-26-1849.

— 8 Zeeland, Ottawa Co. Verhave. Disease and Death…” 2006, p. 24.

Minnesota Territory ( 4)

— 4 MN Territory Summer U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 297.

Mississippi ( 346)

— 346 State Summer-Fall U.S. Census Office. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 153.[169]

Missouri (4,294-4,579)

–4,294-4,579 Blanchard tally using our range for St. Louis below.

— 3,589 State Summer-Fall U.S. Census Office. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 155.[170]

— ? Hermann Missouri Digital Heritage. MO State Archives. MO Disasters.[171]

— ? Independence Oregon-California Trails Association. “Independence, [MO]…”[172]

— 11 Jefferson Barracks (Lemay, MO). Wendt (ed.) Treatise on Asiatic Cholera. 1885, p. 82.

— ? St. Joseph April Wendt (ed.). Asiatic Cholera. 1885, p. 82.[173]

–>5000 St. Louis[174] St. Louis Union, cited in Roberts, 1850, 56, without noting date.[175]

— 4,283-4,568 St. Louis Blanchard range of fatalities for St. Louis from sources below.

— 4,568 St. Louis Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p17.[176]

— 4,557 “ Childs. A History of the U.S…1492…to…1885. 1886, p. 128.

— 4,557 “ Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley of America”

— 4,557 “ the year Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p15.[177]

— 4,555 “ Peters. “General Hist. of the Disease…up to 1885,” in Wendt, 30.

— 4,555 “ the year McPheeters in Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera… 1852, p. 18.

— 4,547 “ Jan-Jul 30. NPS. Year of Disaster… St. Louis…Cholera Epidemic of 1849.

— 4,317 “ the year Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 4,285 “ Chappell. “History…MO Riv.” Trans. KS Hist Soc 1905-06, 281.

— 4,283 “ NIU Libraries Digitization Projects. “Chronological…Historical…

— 4,060 “ Apr 24-Aug 6. Roberts 1850, 57; notes 1929 deaths other causes, 1493 under 5.[178]

St. Louis Breakouts chronologically

— 38 “ Jan McPheeters in Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera… 1852, p. 18.

— 36 “ Jan Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 33 “ Jan Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

–8 “ Jan 1-7 NPS. Year of Disaster… St. Louis…Cholera Epidemic of 1849.

–1 “ Jan 6 (1^st death). Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p14.

–1 “ Jan 17 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 14.

–1 “ Jan 20 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 14.

–1 “ Jan 21 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 14.

— 21 “ Feb Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 20 “ Feb Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

–4 “ Feb 1-7 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 14.

— 78 “ March Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 68 “ March Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 126 “ April Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 131 “ April Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p14.[179]

— 12 “ Apr 3-10. Prairie Du Chien Patriot, WI. “Health of St. Louis.” 4-18-1849, 2.

— 41 “ Apr 24-30 Roberts 1850, p. 56; notes 90 deaths other causes, 59 under 5 years

— 554 “ May Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 517 “ May Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 78 “ May 1-7 Roberts 1850, p. 56; notes 57 deaths other causes, 28 under 5 years

–193 “ May 5-11 Waukesha Democrat, WI. “Great Riot in New York.” 5-22-1849, 2.

–185 “ May 8-14 Roberts 1850, p. 56; notes 88 deaths other causes, 46 under 5 years

–127 “ May 15-21 Roberts 1850, p. 56; notes 65 deaths other causes, 24 under 5 years

–115 “ May 22-28 Roberts 1850, p. 56; notes 70 deaths other causes, 41 under 5 years

— 1,746 “ June Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 1,799 “ June McPheeters in Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera… 1852, p. 18.

— 75 “ May 29-June 4. Roberts 1850, 56; notes 89 deaths other causes, 72 under 5 years.

— 74 “ 1^st week June. Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p17.[180]

–194 “ June 5-11 Roberts 1850, p. 56; notes 90 deaths other causes, 59 under 5 years

–404 “ June 12-18 Roberts 1850, 56; notes 106 deaths other causes, 106 under 5 years

“ –47 June 12 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –65 June 13 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –58 June 14 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –62 June 15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –61 June 16 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –69 June 17 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –64 June 18 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

–589 “ June 19-25 Roberts 1850, 57; notes 174 deaths other causes, 164 under 5 years

“ — 74 June 19 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 67 June 20 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 85 June 21 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 95 June 22 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 98 June 23 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –118 June 24 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 99 June 25 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

–619 “ June 26-July 2 . Roberts 1850, 57; notes 284 deaths other causes, 230 under 5 yrs.

“ — 94 June 26 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –115 June 27 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –123 June 28 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –119 June 29 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 83 June 30 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –100 July 1 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –128 July 2 Browning (Compiler/Editor). To The Golden Shore. 1995, p. 279.

“ –105 July 2 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 1,689 “ July Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 1,895 “ July McPheeters in Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera… 1852, p. 18.

–642 “ July 3-9 Browning (Compiler/Editor). To The Golden Shore. 1995, p. 289.

–591 “ July 3-9 Roberts 1850, 57; notes 182 deaths other causes, 192 under 5 years

“ –103 July 3 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –108 July 4 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 98 July 5 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 81 July 6 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 89 July 7 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ — 80 July 8 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“ –101 July 9 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

–639 “ July 10-16 Roberts 1850, 57; notes 228 deaths other causes, 197 under 5 years

“–145 July 10 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“–124 July 11 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“–145 July 12 Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis. “Progress of…” 7-19-1849, 2.

“–105 July 12 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“–124 July 13 Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis. “Progress of…” 7-19-1849, 2.

“– 87 July 13 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 89 July 14 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 58 July 15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 61 July 16 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

–297 “ July 17-23 Roberts 1850, 57; notes 145 deaths other causes, 140 under 5 years

“– 61 July 17 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 50 July 18 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 36 July 19 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 37 July 20 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 33 July 21 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 21 July 22 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 31 July 23 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 93 “ July 24-30 Roberts 1850, 57; notes 132 deaths other causes, 94 under 5 years.

“– 19 July 24 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 22 July 25 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 14 July 26 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 10 July 27 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 11 July 28 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 9 July 29 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

“– 15 July 30 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 45 “ Aug Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 62 “ Aug Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 43 “ July 31-Aug 6. Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 34 “ July 31-Aug 6. Roberts 1850, 57; notes 118 deaths other causes, 72 under 5 yrs.

— 12 “ Aug 7-13 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 4 “ Aug 14-20 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 3 “ Aug 21-27 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 4 “ Aug 28-Sep 3. Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 13 “ Sep Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 2 “ Sep 4-10 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 1 “ Sep 11-17 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 6 “ Sep 18-24 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 3 “ Sep 25-Oct 1 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 3 “ Oct Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 5 “ Oct McPheeters in Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera… 1852, p. 18.

— 0 “ Oct 2-8 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 2 “ Oct 9-15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 0 “ Oct 16-29 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 3 “ Nov Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 1 “ Oct 30-Nov 6. Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 0 “ Nov 7-19 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 1 “ Nov 20-26 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 1 “ Nov 27-Dec 3. Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 3 “ Dec Moore. “Notes Upon the History of Cholera in St. Louis.” 1855, 47

— 5 “ Dec McPheeters in Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera… 1852, p. 18.

— 1 “ Dec 4-10 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 2 “ Dec 11-17 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— 0 “ Dec 18-31 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera…[US] in 1849… 1852, p. 17.

— ? Westport (part of Kansas City)

New Hampshire ( 47)

— 47 State Summer-Fall. U.S. Census Office. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 159.

— 1 Newmarket, late Aug. Boston Post. “Cholera in Boston.” 9-1-1849, p. 2, col. 3.

New Jersey (673)

–673 State Summer-Fall U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 167.

–372 “ Blanchard tally of locality breakouts below.

— 43 Bergen Neck, Hudson Co. Shaw. History of Essex…Hudson Counties… 1884, 1232.[181]

— 50 Camden, mid-June-Fall. Prowell. The History of Camden County… 1886, p. 256.[182]

— 16 Manchester Zalenski. Transcription, Paterson Intelligencer, 9-26-1849.

–150 Newark, [183] Essex Co., May 31-Oct. Wynne 1852, p. 45.

–148 “ (1849-1850) Urquhart. A History of…City of Newark (V.II). 1913, 853.

— 9 “ July 11-24 Wynne 1852, p. 44.

–17 “ July 25-29 Wynne 1852, p. 44.

–82 “ Aug, esp. 15-24 Wynne 1852, p. 45.

— 6 “ Sep Wynne 1852, p. 45.

— 2 “ Oct Wynne 1852, p. 45.

–110 Paterson Zalenski. Transcription, Paterson Intelligencer, 9-26-1849.[184]

— >3 Winslow. Prowell. The History of Camden County…. 1886, p. 256.[185]

New Mexico Territory ( 3)

— 3 NM Territory Summer-Fall U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 299.

New York (6,313-7,521) May 10-Oct 1.

–6,313-7,521 State Blanchard range based on locality reports below.

— 5,502 State Summer-Fall Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 185.

— 912 Northern, Lake Sections.[186] Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 171.

— 1,887 Eastern Section.[187] Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 173.[188]

— 184 Central Section.[189] Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 177.

— 2,519 New York City. Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 181.

NY Locality Breakouts

— 334 Albany Use Childs and Wynne, and do not use Reynolds.

–334 “ Childs. A History…United States… 1886, p. 128.

–334 “ Wynne 1852, p. 43.[190]

–301 “ Reynolds. Albany Chronicles. 1906, pp. 560-562.

— 23 “ June Wynne 1852, p. 43. (48 cases)

— 0 “ June 5, 1^st case. Wynne 1852, p. 42.

— 1 “ June 7, 1^st death. Wynne 1852, p. 42.[191]

— 1 “ June 8 Wynne 1852, p. 42.

— 1 “ June 8/9, 2^nd case, died on the 8^th or 9th. Wynne 1852, p. 42.[192]

— 2 “ ~June 9 Wynne 1852, p. 42.

— 1 “ June 11 Wynne 1852, p. 42.

— 1 “ June 12 Wynne 1852, p. 42.

— 2 “ ~June 12-19 Wynne 1852, p. 42.

— 1 “ June 20 Wynne 1852, p. 43.

— 2 “ June 22-23 Wynne 1852, p. 43.

— 1 “ June 26 Wynne 1852, p. 43.

— 1 “ ~June 27 Wynne 1852, p. 43.

— 2 “ June 28 Wynne 1852, p. 43.

–123 “ July Wynne 1852, p. 43. (357 cases)

— 9 “ July 7 Boston Post, MA. “By…Telegraph.” 7-9-1849, p. 2.

–146 “ Aug Wynne 1852, p. 43. (333 cases)

— 40 “ Sep Wynne 1852, p. 43. (76 cases)

— 5 “ Sep 1 Boston Post. “By…Telegraph.” 9-3-1849, p. 2, c. 4.

— 0 “ Oct Wynne 1852, p. 43. (2 cases)

— 2 “ Nov Wynne 1852, p. 43. (2 cases)

— 4 Brooklyn, July 6-7 (24 hrs.) Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-9-1849, p. 2.

–2,000 Buffalo [not used] Simonds. The American Date Book, 1902, 83.[193]

–1,000 “ [not used] Burlington Hawk-Eye, IA. “Cholera in Buffalo,” 10-4-1849, 1.

— 858-900 Buffalo [194] Range; based on figures from sources below.

–~900 “ LaChiusa. “Cholera Epidemics in Buffalo, NY.” History of Buffalo.

— 858 “ Childs 1886, p. 128.

— 858 “ May 30-Sep 7. McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…” 1875, 614.

— 858 “ Peters. “General History of the Disease…” 1885, p. 28.

— 858 “ May 30-Sep 7. Wynne 1852, p. 29.

–12 “ July 3-5 (48 hrs.) Browning (Compiler). To The Golden Shore. 1995, 279.

–32 “ July 24 Wynne 1852, p. 30.

–15 “ Aug 6-7 (24 hrs.) The Journal, Freeport, IL. “Telegraphic.” 8-15-1849, p2, c4.

–19 “ Aug 23-24 (24 hrs.) Boston Post. “By Magnetic Telegraph.” 8-25-1849, p. 2.

— 20 Canterbury Wendt (ed.). Asiatic Cholera. 1885, p. 81.[195]

–5,071-6,204 New York City. Dec 1, 1848 entry.[196] Fatality range derived from sources below.

— 6,204 “ Sanitary Committee of the Board of Health, NYC.

— 5,071 “ Childs. A History of…U.S.…1492…to…1885 1886, p. 128

— 5,071 “ Hartshorne. Essentials of…Medicine (5^th Ed.). 1881, 481.[197]

— 5,071 “ NYC Dept. Health. Summary of Vital Statistics. Dec 2010.[198]

— 5,071 “ Peters. “General History of the Disease…” 1885, 27.

— 5,071 “ Wilford, J. N. “How Epidemics Helped…” NYT, 4-15-2008.[199]

— 5,071 “ Wynne 1852, p. 38.

–5,027-7,848 “ May 13-Oct 13. Wynne 1852, p. 40.[200]

— 5,017 “ McClellan. “A History of…Cholera…” 1875, 611.

— 5,017 “ NYC Dept. Health…Protecting Public… 2005, 9.[201]

— 5,017 “ Rosenberg 1963, 114.[202]

–>5,000 “ History.com. This Day in History May 16, 1849.

–>5,000 “ New York Times, 16 Feb 1896

— 3,000 “ Willsey/Lewis. Harper’s Book of Facts. 1895, 574.

— 3,000 “ Simonds. The American Date Book, 1902, 83.

— 2,519 “ Sum-Fall. US Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p.181.

— 2 “ May 11, 1^st deaths since Staten Island outbreak in Dec. Wynne 1852, p. 35.

— 2 “ May 17 Buel in Wynne 1852, p. 36.

— 13 “ May 20-26 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–2 “ May 20 Buel in Wynne 1852, p. 36.

— 29 “ May 27-June 2 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–121 “ June 3-9 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–145 “ June 10-16 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–152 “ June 17-23 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–18 “ June 16-17 (24 hrs.) Tioga (Wellsborough) Eagle, PA. 6-27-1849, p2.

–17 “ June 17-18 (24 hrs.) Tioga (Wellsborough) Eagle, PA. 6-27-1849, p2.[203]

–286 “ June 24-30 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–317 “ July 1-7 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–26 “ July 4 (by noon/24-hrs.) Browning. To The Golden Shore. 1995, 279.

–26 “ July 5 Browning. To The Golden Shore. 1995, 279.

–22 “ July 6-7 (24 hrs.) Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-9-1849, p. 2.

–484 “ July 8-14. Californian. “Progress of…Cholera.” 9-20-1849, 1.

–484 “ July 8-14 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–274 “ July 8-14. Browning. To The Golden Shore. 1995, 279.

–51 “ July 14. Browning. To The Golden Shore. 1995, 279.

–714 “ July 15-21 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–1,409 “ by July 21 Buel in Wynne 1852, p. 37.

–692 “ July 22-28 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–678 “ July 29-Aug 4 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–423 “ Aug 5-11 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–387 “ Aug 12-18 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–233 “ Aug 19-25 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

–30 “ Aug 20-21 (24 hrs.) Boston Post. “Cholera Report.” 8-22-1849, p. 2.

–20 “ Aug 21-22 (24 hrs.) Boston Post. “Cholera.” 8-25-1849, p. 2.

–26 “ Aug 22-23 (24 hrs.) Boston Post. “Cholera.” 8-25-1849, p. 2.

–171 “ Aug 26-Sep 1 Boston Post. “By…Telegraph.” 9-3-1849, p. 2.

–171 “ Aug 26-Sep 1 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

— 8 “ Sep 1-2 (24 hrs) Boston Post. “By…Telegraph.” 9-3-1849, p.2, c.4.

— 94 “ Sep 2-8 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

— 15 “ Sep 2-3 (48 hrs) Burlington Hawk-Eye, IA. 9-6-1849, p. 4.

— 36 “ Sep 9-15 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

— 21 “ Sep 16-22 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

— 11 “ Sep 23-29 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

— 16 “ Sep 30-Oct 6 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

— 3 “ Oct 7-13 Wynne 1852, p. 40.

-9-10 “ Institution for the Blind, between Thirtieth and Thirty-third streets.[204]

— 91 “ Pauper Lunatic Asylum, Blackwell’s Island. Wynne 1852, 86.[205]

— 5 Rochester, Monroe Co., Aug 23-24 (24 hrs.). Boston Post. “By…Telegraph.” 8-25-1849, 2.

— 5 “ Sep 1 Boston Post. “By…Telegraph.” 9-3-1849, p.2, c.4.

— 3 West Point Military Academy July Wendt (ed.). Asiatic Cholera. 1885, p. 81.

–25 Westchester County Poor-House and Lunatic Asylum ~Tarrytown, by July 20.[206]

–21 “ Browning. To The Golden Shore. 1995, p. 289.

North Carolina ( 29)

— 29 State Summer-Fall U.S. Census Office. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 199.

Ohio (7,581-9,919)

–7,581-9,919 State Blanchard range based on locality breakouts below.

— 5,626 “ U.S. Census Office. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. p. 219

— 162 Northeastern Section.[207] Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 203.

— 648 Northwestern Section.[208] Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 205

— 43 Middle Eastern Sec.[209] Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, p.207.

— 951 Middle Western Sec.[210] Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 211.

— 228 Southeastern Section.[211] Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 213.

— 3,691 Southwestern Sec..[212] Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, p. 217.

Ohio Locality Breakouts

— 1 Amelia, Clermont Co., Dr. Erasmus D. Hopkins. Turner transcription of Rockey.

— ~150 Amsterdam, Auglaize Co. Towpath, New Bremen Historic Assoc., OH, Apr 1996.[213]

— ? Batavia, mid-July rpt. “the disease is attended with the most alarming fatality.”[214]

— 15 Cheviot, Hamilton Co. Carroll. Observations on…Asiatic Cholera… 1854, 37.[215]

–5,989-8,500 Cincinnati, Hamilton Co.[216] Blanchard-derived range from sources below.

–8,500 “ Howe. Historical Collections of Ohio (Vol. II). 1891, 38.[217]

–8,000 “ Ohio History Central. “Cholera Epidemics.”[218]

–7,000 “ (mid Apr-mid Oct). Greve. Centennial History of Cincinnati…, V1. 1904, 721.

~6,000 “ Brady. “Historic Disasters.” Cincinnati Magazine, 1982. 104.

<6,000 “ Carroll. Observations on…Asiatic Cholera… 1854, 18.[219]

–6,000 “ Carroll, Thomas, M.D., in Mitchell (1920, p. 11).[220]

–5,969 “Change min. range above} Daly (1849-1851), “The Black Cholera…”

–4,700 “ mid-Apr/mid-Oct Edward D. Mansfield in Carter 1992, p. 43.[221]

–4,628 “ July 15-Aug 11. Boston Post. “Cholera Report.” 8-22-1849, p. 2.

–4,278 “ June 19-July 30 Roberts 1850, p. 55.

–4,114 “ May 1-Aug 30 Cincinnati Board of Health (Defiance Democrat, OH. 9-15-1849, 2).

–4,114 “ Mendenhall in Wynne. Report on…Cholera… 1852, 23.[222]

–4,114 “ May 1-Aug 30 Mitchell. “History of Epidemics in Cincinnati.” 1920, 11.[223]

–4,113 “ May-Aug Burlington Hawk-Eye, IA. “Lightning Despatches.” 9-6-1849, 4.[224]

Cincinnati, Hamilton County, Chronology

— ~20 by Jan 20 Carroll. Observations on…Asiatic Cholera… 1854, p.20.[225]

— 6 Jan 2-3~ Carroll. Observations on…Asiatic Cholera… 1854, p.20.[226]

— 2 Jan 13 (Commercial Hospital, patients from steamboats the day before).[227]

— 1 Jan 15 (Commercial Hospital). Carroll 1854, p. 2.

— 32 May 5-11 Burba. “When the Cholera Plague Swept Dayton.”[228]

–24 May 9 Carroll. Observations on…Asiatic Cholera… 1854, p. 20.

— 1 May 10 (Judge Brough). Mitchell. “History of Epidemics…Cincinnati.” 1920, 11.

— 75[229] May 10-June 15. Mitchell. “History of Epidemics in Cincinnati.” UCMB, 1920, 11.

— 1 June 11, Bro. Charles H. Brough, after a few hours illness.[230]

— 8 May 18. Zanesville Courier, OH. “Cholera…Cincinnati,” 5-19-1849, p.2.

–2,475 June 16-July 16 Board of Health report, in Carroll 1854, p. 4.[231]

— 20 June 16 Tioga (Wellsborough) Eagle, PA. “The Cholera.” 6-27-1849, 2.[232]

— >1 June 21, Margaret Defrees Johnston, 23 (after 8-hr illness). Find A Grave.

— 116 June 26 Wife of Prof. Stowe letter of June 29 (Friday) to husband.[233]

— 73 June 28. Eversole. “The Cincinnati Cholera Epidemic of 1849.” p28.

— 1 July 1, Bro. O. G. DeGroff, 50, of Franklin Lodge No. 4.[234]

–1,022 July 3-9. Board of Health on deaths from all diseases in Carroll 1854, p. 4.

–180 July 3-4 (24-hrs.) Browning (Compiler). To The Golden Shore. 1995, 279.

–130 July 4. Mitchell. “History of Epidemics in Cincinnati.” UCMB, Nov 1920, 11.

–137 July 5. Mitchell. “History of Epidemics in Cincinnati.” UCMB, Nov 1920, 11.

–112 July 13. Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis. “Progress…” 7-19-1849, 2.[235]

–101 July 14. Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis. “Progress…” 7-19-1849, 2.[236]

— 87 July 15 . Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis. “Progress…” 7-19-1849, 2.[237]

— 60 July 16 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 44 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 293 July 17-23 Roberts 1850, p. 54, cites the Gazette (also for p55 figures).

— 61 July 17 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 40 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 99 July 18 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 40 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 43 July 19 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 29 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 32 July 20 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 28 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 36 July 21 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 31 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 33 July 22 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 25 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 29 July 23 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 40 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 107 July 24-30 Roberts 1850, p. 54.

— 20 July 24 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 20 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 19 July 25 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 25 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 16 July 26 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 31 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 17 July 27 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 29 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 13 July 28 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 25 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 14 July 28 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 23 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 9 July 30 Roberts 1850, p. 55. Were also 25 deaths “Other Diseases.”

— 12 Aug 5 Cholera deaths reported (Carroll 1854, p. 4).

— 6 Aug 6 Cholera deaths reported (Carroll 1854, p. 4).

— 89 Aug 7-9 Carter. “Cincinnatians and Cholera…” 1992, p. 44.

Continuing with other Ohio localities:

— 130 Cleveland, Cuyahoga Co., June 30-Sep 9. Sandusky Clarion. 9-22-1849, 2.[238]

— 4 Coalport, Meigs Co., by July. Elvick. “The 1849 Cholera Epidemic.” Gallia History.

— 3 Columbus, Franklin Co., July 11, 14. Dr. B. F. Gard, Dr. H. Lathrop, Taylor.[239]

— 116 Columbus, Ohio State Penitentiary. OH Historical Society. “Cholera Epidemics.”

— 200 Dayton, Montgomery Co. Simpson. “Curiosity: Preble County Heritage…” 2008.

–112 “ May 18-July 9. Burba 1931.

–1 “ May 18, William Munday, 19. (Just returned from Cincinnati). Burba 1931.[240]

–2 “ June 19 newspaper report (probably of deaths during last 7 days). Burba.[241]

–6 “ June 20-23. All of people who had visited the Kline House (hotel). Burba.

–1 “ June 28, Bro. David S. Raymond, 48, of Wayne Lodge No. 10.[242]

–5 “ June 30. Burba 1931. (One was Ziba Crawford, 49.)[243]

–1 “ July 14, Bro. John B. Decker, 24, of Montgomery Lodge No. 5.[244]

–1 “ July 15, Bro. Joseph Hewes, 38, of Montgomery Lodge No. 5.[245]

–8 “ July 24.[246] Burba 1931.

— 113 Eaton, Preble Co. Historybuff. “1849 Cholera in Preble County/Eaton Ohio.”[247]

–91 “ Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 9-10-1849, p. 3, col. 1.[248]

–50 “ July 14-29. Star & Banner, Gettysburg. “Cholera at Eaton…” 8-10-1849, 3.[249]

— 2 Gallia County, William Clark (July 11), Elizabeth Clark (July 13). Clark fam. Bible.

— 45 Greasy Ridge, Lawrence Co. Drs. Churchill and Johnson in Carroll 1854, p. 74.[250]

— 13 Harrison vic., Hamilton Co. Sutton. Rpt. IN State Medical Society…, p. 117.[251]

— 1 Manchester. Biographical Publishing Co. Men of West Virginia (V1). 1903, p. 286.

— 250 Minster, Auglaize Co. Village of Minster. “Cholera Attacks the Village of Minster.”[252]

— 1 Monroeville, Huron County, Aug 19, Edward Baker, 55. The Ark, 6/11, 11-1849, 356.

— ? New Boston, mid-July rpt. “the disease is attended with…most alarming fatality.”[253]

— >5 New Bremen, Auglaize Co. Finke. “Cholera Plague in New Bremen.” 4-6-1939.[254]

— >1 Piqua, Miami Co. Miami Co., Ohio Genealogy Express. “Welcome to Miami…”[255]

— 63 Preble Co. (other than Eaton). Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 9-10-1849, p3, c1.[256]

–383-400 Sandusky,[257] Erie County. Range derived from using Peeke and OH History Central.

–400 “ Ohio History Central. “Cholera Cemetery.” Accessed 3-2-2015.

–383 “ Roberts 1850, 60-64, names of dead from Sandusky Clarion.[258]

–357 “ (68 days). Peeke. “The Three Cholera Years.” History of Erie County.[259]

–285 “ Childs 1886, p. 128.

–285 “ Wynne 1852, p. 28 (noting 22 other deaths; total of 307).[260]

–103 “July 29-31. Peeke. “The Three Cholera Years.” History of Erie County, OH.[261]

— 0 “ June 25, 1^st case, but recovered. Peeke. History of Erie County, Ohio. 1916.

— 1 “ June 25-30, 1^st death. Peeke. History of Erie County, Ohio. 1916

— 1 “ July 2, 1^st death of a citizen. Peeke. History of Erie County, Ohio. 1916.

— 1 “ July 3 Peeke. History of Erie County, Ohio. 1916.

— 2 “ July 9 Wynne 1852, p. 28 (infers these were the first deaths).

— 19 “ to July 19 Peeke. History of Erie County, Ohio. 1916.[262]

— 21 “ July 20-21. Peeke. History of Erie County, Ohio. 1916.

— 30 “ July 24 Wynne 1852, p. 28; Roberts 1850, p. 53.

— 20 “ July 25 Roberts 1850, p. 53, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

— 16 “ July 26 Roberts 1850, p. 53, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

— 14 “ July 27 Roberts 1850, p. 54, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.[263]

— 33 “ July 28 Wynne 1852, p. 28; Roberts 1850, p. 54.

— 37 “ July 29 Wynne 1852, p. 28; Roberts 1850, p. 54.

— 33 “ July 30 Peeke. …Erie… 1916; Wynne 1852, 28; Roberts 1850, 54.

— 13 “ Aug 1 Roberts 1850, p. 54, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

— 26 “ Aug 2 Roberts 1850, p. 54, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

— 15 “ Aug 3 Roberts 1850, p. 54, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

— 16 “ Aug 4 Roberts 1850, p. 54, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

— 4 “ Aug 5 [Sunday] Roberts 1850, p. 54, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

— 12 “ Aug 6 Roberts 1850, p. 54, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

— 2 “ Aug 7 Roberts 1850, p. 54, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

— 4 “ Aug 8 Roberts 1850, p. 54, citing F.M. Follett, Board of Health.

–320 “ to Aug 8 Peeke. History of Erie County… 1916. Roberts 1850, 54.

— 25 “ Aug 9-11 Peeke. History of Erie County, Ohio. 1916.

— 1 “ Sep 7, last death. Peeke. History of Erie County, Ohio. 1916.[264]

— 91 Springfield, Clark County. Adams Sentinel, Gettysburg, PA. 9-10-1849, p. 3.[265]

— 5 Toledo, Lucas Co., Jul 27. Whig Standard, Hillsdale, MI. “Cholera at Toledo.” 7-31-‘49, 3.[266]

— ? Troy Rayner. The First Century of Piqua, Ohio. 1916, p. 68.[267]

— 37 Walnut Twp., Fairfield Co. Elvick. “The 1849 Cholera Epidemic.” Gallia History.[268]

— 2 Waynesville and vic., Warren County. Carroll 1854, p. 36.[269]

— 1 Williamsburg, Clermont Co., July 11, Felix Leeds, M.D., 36.[270]

Pennsylvania (1,740)

— 1,740 State Sum-Fall US Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 235.

— 236 Eastern Section[271] Sum-Fall US Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 223.

— 247 Western Section[272] Sum-Fall US Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 227.

— 18 Middle Section.[273] Sum-Fall US Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850. 229.

— 775 City of Philadelphia. Sum-Fall. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 233

–1,179-1,366 State Blanchard range based on breakouts below.

PA Locality Breakouts:

— 150-300 Birmingham suburb of Pittsburgh. Blanchard range based on sources below.[274]

–150-400 “ southside of Monongahela River, now part of Pittsburgh.[275]

–300-400 “ Sullivan, L. “When Death Visited Birmingham, 1849…PA.”[276]

–200-300 “ Boston Post. “Cholera.” 9-3-1849, p. 2, col. 2.[277]

–150-200 “ Sullivan, L. “When Death Visited Birmingham, 1849…PA.”[278]

— >100 “ 3 weeks in Aug. Sullivan. “When Death Visited Birmingham…PA.”

— 1 “ Californian (Monterey). “Progress of the Cholera,” Sep 20, 1849.

— 3 Carlisle Barracks, Carlisle July Wendt (ed.). Asiatic Cholera. 1885, p. 81.

— 10 Bristol, Aug 5-15 Boston Post. “Cholera.” 8-25-1849, p. 2.[279]

–1,012-1,049 Philadelphia.[280] Range of fatalities from sources cited below.

–1,049 “ Henry. Standard History…Medical Profession…[Philly]. 1897, 276

–1,022 “ Childs. A History of the U.S. In Chronological Order… 1886, 128.

–1,022 “ Hartshorne. Essentials of the Principles…Medicine. 1881, p. 482.

–1,022 “ Wynne 1852, p. 50.[281]

–1,012 “ Sanitary Committee. Statistics of Cholera, 1849 in AJMS, 174.[282]

–1,012 “ Willsey, Lewis. “Philadelphia,” Harper’s Book of Facts. 1895, 627

–1,012 “ May 30-Sep 8. Independence Hall Assoc. in [Philly]. “…Timeline, 1892.”

— 54 “ Kensington district. Milano. “1849 Cholera Epidemic in Kensington.”[283]

— 38 “ North Liberties district. Milano. “1849 Cholera Epidemic in Kensington.”

— 13 “ Richmond district. Milano. “1849 Cholera Epidemic in Kensington.”

Chronological Philadelphia Breakouts

— 775 “ Sum-Fall Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 233.

— 747 “ May 30-Aug 18 (Number of deaths reported to Board of Health.)[284]

— 747 “ May 30-Aug 18 Wynne 1852, p. 50.

— 97 “ May 30-June 30 Sanitary Committee in AJMS, Jan 1850, 174

— 3 “ May 30 Wynne 1852, p. 47.

— 3 “ June 3-9 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 5 “ June 10-16 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 14 “ June 17-23 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

–1 “ June 18 Tioga (Wellsborough) Eagle, PA. 6-27-1849

–0 “ June 19 (six new cases) Tioga (Wellsborough) Eagle, PA. 6-27-’49

–2 “ June 20 Tioga (Wellsborough) Eagle, PA. 6-27-1849

— 80 “ June 24-30 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 170 “ July 1-7 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 142 “ July 7-13 Browning. To The Golden Shore. 1995, 279.

— 9 “ July 7 Boston Post. “By…Telegraph.” 7-9-1849, 2.

— 179 “ July 8-14 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

–120 “ July 11-14 Sanitary Committee in AJMS, Jan 1850, 174

— 12 “ Almshouse July 12 Sanitary Committee in AJMS, Jan 1850, 174

— 32 “ July 14 Sanitary Committee in AJMS, Jan 1850, 174

— 195 “ July 15-22 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 136 “ July 23-28 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 95 “ July 29-Aug 4 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 72 “ Aug 1-18 Sanitary Committee in AJMS, Jan 1850, 174

— 40 “ Aug 5-11 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 42 “ Aug 12-18 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 16 “ Aug 19-25 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 18 “ Aug 26-Sep 1 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 16 “ Sep 2-8 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 4 “ Sep 9-15 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 6 “ Sep 16-22 Wynne 1852, p. 51.

— 4 Pittsburgh, July 3. Browning (Compiler/Ed.). To The Golden Shore. 1995, 279

Rhode Island (177)

–177 State Blanchard tally from locality breakouts below.

–154 State Summer-Fall U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, p. 239.

— 3 Bristol, July Wynne 1852, p. 66.[285]

— 1 Central Falls Aug 8 Wynne 1852, p. 66.[286]

— 1 “ Aug 10 Wynne 1852, p. 66. (son of woman dying on 8^th)

— 2 Cranston (4 cases) Wynne 1852, p. 66.[287]

— 1 East Greenwich, Aug 31 Wynne 1852, p. 66.

— 1 “ ~Sep 2 Wynne 1852, p. 66.

— 2 “ after Sep 7 Wynne 1852, p. 66, noting they died “in other places.”

— 4 Pawtucket (8 cases) Wynne 1852, p. 66.

–161[288] Providence, May 27-Nov Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.[289]

— 1 “ May 27, 1^st case Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 1 “ June 7 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 1 “ June 11 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 1 “ June 29 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 1 “ June 30 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 1 “ July 1-7 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 1 “ July 14-21 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

–11 “ July 21-28 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

–14 “ July 28-Aug 4 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

–34 “ Aug 4-11 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

–17 “ Aug 11-18 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

–22 “ Aug 18-25 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

–17 “ Aug 25-Sep 1 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

–12 “ Sep 1-8 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 9 “ Sep 8-15 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 9 “ Sep 15-22 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 3 “ Sep 22-29 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 1 “ Sep 29-Oct 6 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 2 “ Oct 6-13 Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

— 3 “ Nov Boston Medical…Surgical Journal. “Cholera in [RI],” 29.

Providence 1849 June July Aug Sep Oct Nov[290]

Cholera Infantum — 11 24 9 2 —

Cholera Morbus 1 2 3 3 — —

Diarrhoea 3 11 11 8 3 3

Dysentery 3 1 33 21 10 1

— 1 Warren (2 cases), ~Aug 1 Wynne 1852, p. 66

— ? Woonsocket, 75-100 cases, beginning ~July 1. Wynne 1852, p. 66, citing a Dr. Allen.

South Carolina ( 9) Autumn U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 251.

Tennessee ( 736)

— 736 State Sum-Autumn U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 265.[291]

–710-715 “ Blanchard range based on locality breakouts below.

— ? Clarksville, Montgomery Co., 51 cases in one week. Chambers, 1938, p. 212.

— 1 Gallatin, Sumner Co. Peter Hinds Martin, Sr. Geni.com. Last update 1-23-2015.[292]

— 4-5 Hillman Iron Works near Clarksville. Phillips. American Negro Slavery. p. 378.

— 1 Lebanon vic., Wilson Co., Aug 4, Simon Hancock. Smith. Genealogical…, p. 76.

–396-400 Memphis, Shelby Co. Blanchard range using Ellis and National Board of Health.

~400 “ Ellis, J. H. Yellow Fever & Public Health… 1992, p. 30.[293]

396 “ Annual Report…National Board of Health, 1879. p. 253. [294]

290 “ Dec 21, ‘48-July 15. Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p.6.[295]

280 “ [Not used] Childs. A History of the United States… 1886, p. 128.[296]

–14 “ Dec 21-31 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

–24 “ Jan 1-15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

–19 “ Jan 15-30 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

— 7 “ Feb 1-15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

— 4 “ Feb 15-28 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

— 4 “ March 1-15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

–35 “ March 15-31 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

–16 “ April 1-15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

— 6 “ April 15-30 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

— 1 “ May 1-15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

–20 “ May 15-31 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

–23 “ June 1-15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

–96 “ June 15-30 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.[297]

–21 “ July 1-15 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 6.

— 305 Nashville,[298] Davidson Co. Jan 20-June 17.

— 285 “ “ Childs. A History of the United States… 1886, p128.

— 1 “ 1^st death Jan 20 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 7.

— 1 “ 2^nd death ~Jan 23 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 7.

— 1 “ 3^rd death ~Jan 24 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 7.

— 3 “ same family, Jan Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, 7.[299]

— 3 “ city heart, Jan Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, 7.[300]

— 130 “ Jan 20-May 29 McCall. “Remarks on Cholera…” Western Lancet, 96.

— 53 “ Jan 20-Feb 20[301] McCall. “Remarks on Cholera…” Western Lancet, 90.

–40-50 “ by Feb 26 Wynne. Report…Epidemic Cholera in 1849…, p. 7.

— 44 “ March 12-April 17[302] McCall. “Remarks on Cholera…” Western Lancet, 90.

— 33 “ May 17-May 29~[303] McCall. “Remarks on Cholera…” Western Lancet, 90.

— 70 “ June 7-14 McCall. “Remarks on Cholera…” Western Lancet, 97.

— >20 “ June 15. McCall. “Remarks…Cholera…” Western Lancet, 97.[304]

— >210 “ Jan 20-June 15 [305] McCall. “Remarks on Cholera…” Western Lancet, 97.

— 23 “ June 17. Tioga (Wellsborough) Eagle, PA. 6-27-1849, p. 2.

— 1 “ Dec 29, Albert H. Wynne. Smith. Genealogical Abstracts from Reported..

— 1 Robertson Co., June 18, Ephraim Sherrill. Smith. Genealogical Abstracts…Deaths…

— 1 Sumner Co., Aug, Samuel Wilson, age 52. Haynes. “Re: John Wilson 1759-1836.”[306]

— 1 Warren County, Aug 2, Betsey Emaline McSpedden, about 30. Scoggins. 10-13-1849.

— 1 “ Aug 9, Sarah Scott, about 61. Scoggins. Banner, 10-13-1849, p. 3.

Texas (1,274-1,365)

–1,274-1,365 State Blanchard tally of locality breakouts below.

— 207 “ Sum-Autumn U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 275.

— >100 Brazos Santiago, Cameron Co. Wm. Trevitt, M.D., in Carroll 1854, p. 31.[307]

— ~100 Brownsville, Cameron Co. Garza and Long. “Brownsville, TX.” TX Handbook.[308]

— 2 “ March 17 paper article re Col. L. P. Cook & wife.[309]

— 35 Camp Salado ~San Antonio, May. McRae. “The Third Regiment of Inf.” P. 683.[310]

— >100 Fort Brown (Brownsville) “ Wm. Trevitt, M.D., in Carroll 1854, p. 32.[311]

— 1 Fort Martin Scott, outside Fredericksburg, June 28, Major Collinson Read Gates.[312]

— >10 Fredericksburg, Gillespie Co.[313] MyTripJournal.com. “Fredericksburg, Feb 8, 2007.”[314]

— >10 Houston, Harris County. Civilian And Galveston Gazette. 2-1-1849, p. 2.[315]

–1 Houston[316], in today’s Houston County, Clement Norton Bassett, about 41.[317]

— 2 Indianola, Calhoun County, on Matagorda Bay; Capt. Rodgers and child.[318]

— 1 “ Jan 10. Robert Boyd, laborer with 8^th Inf. Irish Deaths in the Frontier.

— 213 Laredo, Webb Co. Civilian…Gazette, TX. “Cholera…Laredo…” 5-31-1849, p. 2.[319]

— 5 Lavaca, Calhoun Co. Texas Democrat, Austin. 4-7-1849, Portal to Texas History.[320]

— 1 Marshall, Harrison Co. Texas Democrat, Austin “Cholera in Eastern Texas.” 2-3-1849.

— >100 Port Isabel, Cameron County.[321] Trevitt in Carroll 1854, p. 31.

— >132 Port Lavaca vic. Calhoun Co., 22 Dec 1848-1849.[322] McClellan. “…Cholera…” 615.

— 90 “ Dec 23-24 Burlington Hawk-Eye, IA. “Lightning News,” 1-11-1849, 3.

— 2 Ringgold Barracks on way to Laredo. Irish Deaths in the Frontier Army (website).[323]

— 2 Rio Grande City, Starr County.[324]

— 500 San Antonio.[325] Burns. “Epidemic Diseases.” Handbook of Texas Online, 6-12-2010.

— 500 “ Bexar Co. Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley of America.”

— 500 “ Federal Writers’ Project. San Antonio: An Authoritative Guide. 1938, 103.

— ~500 “ Fort Wayne Times, IN. “Important from the South,” 6-14-1849, p. 1.[326]

— >500-600 “(>500 by May). San Antonio Express-News. “Cholera epidemics…” 2-14-2015.[327]

— 17 “ May 11-17. Civilian and Galveston Gazette, TX. 5-31-1849, p. 2, c. 1.[328]

— 1 Victoria, Victoria Co. Civilian and Galveston Gazette, TX. 5-31-1849, p. 2, col. 1.

Utah Territory (76)

— 76 UT Ter. Summer (73)-Autumn. U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 301.

Vermont ( 30)

— 30 State Summer-Autumn U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 277.

Virginia ( 764)

–764 State Sum-Autumn U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 291.[329]

— 14 Gloucester by June 28 Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 6-28-1849, p. 2.[330]

— 2 Norfolk[331] June 26 Boston Post, MA. “By…Telegraph.” 6-28-1849, p. 2.

— 13 Petersburg July 4 Boston Post, MA. “By…Telegraph.” 7-6-1849, 2.[332]

— 11 Richmond[333] July 4-5. Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-9-1849, p. 2.

West Virginia (7->10)

–>10 State. Blanchard estimate.[334]

— 1 Brownsville, Mr. John Miller. Chambers 1938, p. 203.

— 1 Charleston, Kanawha County, James Scott. Brant, Fuller & Co. 1891, p. 207.[335]

— 1 Hillsboro, Pocahontas County, Col. Dix, U.S. Army. Chambers 1938, p. 203.[336]

— ? Moundsville, Marshall County. West Virginia Medical Journal, Nov 1917., pp. 188-89.[337]

— 1 Parkersburg, Aug, Thomas Smallwood Wilson.[338] Find A Grave. “Thomas…Wilson.”

— 2 Wheeling vic. Early Jan. Burlington Hawk-Eye (IA). “Lightning News,” Jan 11, 1849, 3.

— 1 “ July 11, Helena Maria Hildreth, ~18, Rootsweb. “Hildreth Genealogy.”

Wisconsin ( >301)

— 222 State Sum-Fall U.S. Census. Mortality Statistics [7^th]…, 1850, 295.

— 1 Madison The Journal, Freeport, IL. “Cholera Record.” 8-8-1849, p. 2.

–>300 Milwaukee Frank. The Medical History of Milwaukee 1834-1914. 1915, p.118.

— 104 “ Jul-Aug Willsey/Lewis. “Milwaukee,” Harper’s Book of Facts. 1895, 514.

–3 “ Aug 26-27 Milwaukee Sentinel and Gazette. “Report of…Board of Health.”[339]

Other:

Immigrants Going West (esp. 1849 Gold Rush) (<5,000)[340]

—<5,000 Corbin. “Cholera,” Kansapedia. Kansas Historical Soc. June 2003, Feb 2013 mod.[341]

— ? Platte River Trail (hundreds-thousands). National Park Service. Nat. Hist. Trails, 7.[342]

— 1,500 Trail to Fort Laramie. Gordon. Overland to California with…Pioneer Line. 1983, 27.[343]

Mississippi River Steamboats ( >239)

— >239 Blanchard tally of breakouts below. [344]

— 8 Aleck Scott Chambers 1938, 205; cites Courier Journal, Louisville, Jan 4.

— 7 Bride McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, p. 617.

— 9 Caroline Watkins McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, p. 610.

— 2 Connecticut Chambers 1938, 205; cites Courier Journal, Louisville, Jan 4.

–12-17 Constitution Texas State Gazette, Austin. 12-15-1849, p.1, c.2.[345]

— 5 Fashion Chambers 1938, 205; cites Courier Journal, Louisville, Jan 4.

— 1 Gen. Washington McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, p. 617.

— 15 George Washington, before arrival in Memphis. Carter. “Cincinnatians…” 1992, p40.[346]

— 3 Gladiator McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, p. 617.

— 3-4 General Lane McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, p. 619.

— 7 Glencoe Chambers 1938, 205; cites Lexington Observer… Jan 17.

— 1 Homer (barkeeper) Chambers. Conquest of Cholera, 1938, p. 205.[347]

— 3 Jewess Chambers 1938, 205; cites Courier Journal, Louisville, Jan 4.

— >50 Mary, arrived at St. Joseph, MO sometime after April 21 with California emigrants.[348]

— ~3 Millanger, arrived Madison, IN, Dec 8, from New Orleans.[349]

— 50 Peytona Dec 22, 1848 arrival at Louisville from New Orleans.[350]

— 1 Sacramento, arrived St. Joseph, MO, April 21^st, with one death on Miss. River trip.[351]

— 4 Savannah McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, p. 619.

— 1 Schuylkill, Apr 25, D. Simmonds. Dexter (transcriber). Obits. from Cairo Delta, 1849.

— 2 Seraph McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, p. 617.

— 3 Uncle Sam McClellan. “A History…Cholera…” 1875, p. 617.

— 27 Uncle Toby, early June, MS River Collins. Past…City of Quincy…[IL]. 1905, 121

— 10 Yorktown by March 24 Mississippi River before reaching Cairo IL.[352]

— 7 Western World Chambers. Conquest of Cholera, 1938, p. 205.[353]

— 1 Winfield Scott, May 13, a child[354] Dexter (transcriber). Obits. from Cairo Delta, 1849.

Plains Native Americans: (5,600-6,500)

–5,600-6,500 Blanchard tally drawing upon sources below.[355]

— Most Lipan Apache Wishart (ed.). Encyclopedia…Great Plains Indians. 22.[356]

—<2,000 Cheyenne. Waldman. Encyclopedia of Native American Tribes. 58.[357]

–~8,000 Comanche (1849-1851)[358] Englar. The Comanche: Nomads…Southern Plains. 25.[359]

–>2,000 Comanches and allies.[360] Wikipedia. “Comanche-Mexico Wars.” 2-24-2015.

— >300 Penateka Comanche (TX) Schilz. “Santa Anna.” Handbook of Texas Online. 6-15-2010.[361]

— ? Comanche. Waldman. Encyclopedia…Native American Tribes. 76. [362]

— ? Dakota Mooney. Calendar History…Kiowa Indians (V17), 226.

— ? Kiowa. Mooney. Calendar History…Kiowa Indians (V17), 226.[363]

— >500 Omaha Tribe, Nebraska. Thornton. American Indian Holocaust and Survival…1990.

–>1,100->2,000 Pawnee Range provided by Santoro and Thoburn.

–>1,100 “ Summer months. Santoro. Atlas…Indian Tribes of North America. 94.[364]

–>2,000 “ Thoburn. A History of Oklahoma. 235.[365]

Slaves[366] (4,180)[367]

–10,000 Weekly Wisconsin (Milwaukee). “Demand for Slaves,” September 26, 1849, p. 8.[368]

— 4,180 slaves (anywhere). U.S. Census Office. Mortality Statistics of Seventh Census, 1850.[369]

Mexico (as one example)

— 50-70 Matamoros. (Supposedly in one day in March.)[370]

Cholera Deaths by Age from 1850 Census (ending June 1)[371]

Under 1 —- 1,417

1 to under 5 —- 4,333

5 to under 10 —- 2,308

10 to under 20 —- 3,090

20 to under 50 —- 15,334

50 to under 80 —- 4,385

80 to under 100— 318

100 and over —- 7

Age unknown —- 338

Total males —- 18,575

Total females —- 12,815

Grand total —- 31,506

Background

Duffy: “Following this summer (1834), Asiatic cholera vanished from America for fifteen years. The explanation for its disappearance is almost as inexplicable to us today as it was to our forebears a hundred and thirty years ago. (Duffy, John. “The Impact of Asiatic Cholera on Pittsburgh, Wheeling, and Charleston.” The Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine, Vol. 47, No. 3, July 1964, pp. 209-210 of 13 pages.)

Pyle: “From 1842 to 1862 cholera once more raked the world as a pandemic originating in South Asia latched onto pilgrimages, commercial vessels, warships, and related transportation movements. There is clear evidence that the disease entered the United States at two points within a nine day period of time. New York was attacked on December 2, 1848, and New Orleans felt the first effects on December 11.” (p. 65)

Peters: “On November 9, 1848, the ship New York sailed from Havre for New York, and it was said there was no cholera in Havre when she sailed; and no one probably will now ever know whether there was or not. When sixteen days out, cholera commenced after trunks had been opened containing clothing of some who had died of cholera in Germany. Before her arrival seven of the steerage passengers had died and eleven others had sickened with cholera and were sent ashore at the Staten Island quarantine. The next day the number of cases had increased to 20, with 8 deaths; finally there were 63 cases and 29 deaths; but the disease did not spread to the city, although it was known that numbers had escaped from the quarantine and gone over to New York; while considerable intercourse had always been kept up by visitors. Two cases occurred among escaped emigrants in a German boarding-house; the rest wore scattered over the city, and yet no epidemic followed them. The winter soon set in quite severely and the disease entirely subsided.” (Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” 1885, 27-29.)

McClellan: “The New York upon her arrival at quarantine sent eleven cholera patients to the quarantine hospital. The next day the number was increased to twenty, with eight deaths, and a local epidemic was instituted. Dr. Clark states that the first person not attached to the ship who was attacked was a man who went on board the New York, and within twenty-four hours was seized with cholera and died the next day.

“The passengers from the New York were brought to the public dock store-houses, and when it was found that the disease was spreading, all convalescents at the quarantine hospital were discharged. One of the latter was taken with cholera at his lodgings on Wellington street in the city. This man, it is stated, was sent back to quarantine. His room-mate was also attacked with the same disease, and both died. How long the passengers of the New York were detained at quarantine is not stated. The New York carried a large number of these emigrants; the exact number is not recorded. These emigrants were scattered over the city of New York and over the United States, carrying with them in all directions the infection of cholera.

“Up to the 28th of December, about one hundred cases had occurred at the quarantine, fifty of which were fatal. Other than the two cases noted, the disease did not spread in the city. Dr. Clark states that the disease seemed to have been checked by the severe cold on the 1st of January, when it ceased.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 609.)

Peters: “On October 31, 1848, the ship Swanton left Havre also with a clean bill of health, and when twenty-seven days at sea, on November 26th, the first case of cholera occurred. The weather had become very warm and the passengers opened their trunks and boxes for thinner clothing; they were German emigrants. The winds which blew the ship along did not land cholera in any part of Florida, or of the West. India Islands, nor in Alabama or Mississippi, nor at any part of the river below New Orleans. The Swanton arrived December 11th, 1848, having had thirteen deaths and more than double that number of cases of cholera at sea.” (Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” 1885, 27-29.)

McClellan: “She [Swanton] had been detained by no quarantine, but went at once to her wharf and proceeded to discharge her passengers and cargo. On the day of her arrival, one cholera case was sent to the charity hospital. The other passengers, of whom there was a large number, were lodged in the city. Two days after the arrival of the Swanton, the first case in the city was announced; this was also an emigrant from the Swanton, and the next day eight cases of the disease were admitted to the hospital from houses on the levee. During the month of December, four hundred cholera deaths were reported at New Orleans; in January, six hundred were reported, and the number increased each month until June, when the epidemic culminated in two thousand five hundred and odd deaths.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 609.)

Peters: “No quarantine had been established, and the usual disputes arose about the origin of the disease in New Orleans, as cases, supposed to be indigenous, had occurred before the arrival of the Swanton. Then Dr. Fenner proved that the Guttenberg from Hamburg had arrived December 6, with 250 emigrants, after a fifty-five days’ passage, with numerous deaths from cholera. One of the earliest cases in New Orleans was from this vessel. Next, at this late date, it was found that the Callao from Bremen had arrived on December 8th with 150 emigrants and 18 deaths from cholera. This epidemic cost New Orleans 2,500 deaths. On Dec. 20 the steamboat Convoy brought the disease from New Orleans up the Mississippi river to Memphis. Dec. 27 the Amaranth brought it to St. Louis, followed by others. Dec. 22 the Peytona, and Dec. 24 the Savannah, brought it back to New Orleans and established another but mild epidemic. Dec. 25 it was brought by steamboat from New Orleans to Cincinnati. Thus the pestilence was carried up the Mississippi, Missouri and Ohio rivers and even reached Chicago, Buffalo, Detroit and Niagara Falls before it was brought west from Canada or New York. The emigration was very great in 1849, as gold had just been discovered in California. As the principal starting-place for over the plains was St. Louis, that city suffered more heavily than any other place. It was carried thence across the country to Sacramento and San Francisco. The Indians also suffered very heavily, as well as the emigrant trains and United States troops.

“In the meantime several other cholera ships had arrived at New York, but the disease did not declare itself in the city until May 11, 1849, when it commenced in a lodging-house in Orange street and was followed by 5,017 deaths. In the interval the whole West was overrun with cholera from New Orleans. Among others it was carried up the Mississippi and Ohio rivers to the Cumberland and down south along that river to Nashville, Tennessee, by the Caroline Watkins and other steamboats.

“In almost all these places the disease was declared to be malarial and of local origin. Dr. James Wynne was the principal disseminator of this plausible but erroneous doctrine, and was ably seconded by Dr. Bell of Louisville. Some of their notions of the spontaneous origin and purely malarial foundation of cholera are very curious indeed. For instance, the outbreak in the Baltimore Almshouse in July, 1849. Although Dr. Nathan R. Smith proved that a poor English emigrant had called at his office in Baltimore on July 5th and had been removed to the Almshouse, where he died on the 7th, yet Dr. Wynne persisted that the disease was not imported. The whole house, 800 feet long, and the grounds, seemed in splendid condition and had nearly 700 inmates. But just outside of the north wall there was a large filthy pool, the contents of which were in a state of actual fermentation from the drainage into it of a large pig-sty, the washings from the dead-house, an overflowing privy, and from the wash-house where all the soiled linen was washed. This was called pure fever-and-ague malaria. Of the inmates 53 were discharged, 62 escaped and of the rest 99 died of cholera. Those on the basement floor nearest this mixed civic filth, called simple malaria, suffered most, and in one ward all died. Those in the upper stories and on the sides furthest removed from the filth suffered least; but some who were much in the yard died in the attic where they slept. The germs were imported into the house, and the immense amount of festering filth multiplied the disease. The hospital part of the building was unwisely placed nearest the filth, and the mortality was necessarily great. Disinfection was unknown, and the discharges were thrown into overflowing privies. This is the pivotal case of all the doctrines about the so-called pure malarial origin of cholera in the United States; and how slender the basis of it is, is evident.

“One of the most curious cases of infection was that of Buffalo, to which it was brought by steamboat from Chicago up Lake Michigan and down Lakes Huron and St. Clair. It arrived in Buffalo May 13, 1849, whereas it did not commence in New York till May 11th. The Chicago cases came from St. Louis and New Orleans. Another case was sent to Buffalo from Cincinnati via Sandusky, June 1st, and on June 4th another was brought by steamboat from Chicago. Buffalo had 858 deaths in this epidemic up to Sept. 7. 1849.”

“The pestilence was not only carried north from New Orleans but also south to plantations in Louisiana, in the majority of which cases the conveyance of the infection could be distinctly traced. In January, 1849, it was carried to Mobile, with only 149 deaths, as that city generally escapes lightly, owing, it is said, to the pure drinking water with which the city is supplied.

“It was also taken to Texas from New Orleans by the 8th United States Infantry. General Worth died of it at San Antonio on May 7. It was diffused through Texas by the movements of troops and emigrants and carried into Mexico by refugees from Texas. The Mexicans had a lively recollection of the cholera of 1833, and most of them fled.” (Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” 1885, 27-29.)

Woodworth: “The cholera epidemic of 1849 came to the U.S. aboard two ships out of Havre, France – the Swanton and the New York. Cholera was not epidemic in France at the time. It did, however, exist in Middle Europe, whence came the migrants who embarked on board these vessels.[372] Cholera broke out on the New York on the 25^th of November [1848], when sixteen days out of port, and on the Swanton on the following day, November 26, when twenty-seven days out, and was carried by these vessels to the ports of New York and New Orleans respectively.” (Woodworth. “The Introduction of Epidemic Cholera into the United States Through the Agency of the Mercantile Marine: Suggestions…of Prevention.” 1875, p. 10.)

Wynne: “Asiatic cholera, in its recent visit to this country, first manifested itself at Staten Island, in the harbour of New York, on the 2d of December 1848, and nearly coincident with this at New Orleans. The first case of cholera at the latter place occurred on the 11^th of December 1848, so that but nine days intervened between its appearance at New York and its development at New Orleans. From these two great commercial centres it spread nearly over the whole territory embraced within the limits of the United States. From New York it found its way up the North River to New Albany, and thence pursued its westerly direction along the great lines of travel to Buffalo, and up the great chain of Lakes. From its more southern focus it passed up the Mississippi river and its tributaries to their sources, leaving scarcely a village unvisited, and inflicting the most frightful ravages in the larger commercial towns it met in its passage….”

(Wynne, James, M.D. Abstract of Report on Epidemic Cholera, as it Prevailed in the United States in 1849 and 1850. Appendix C, Report of the General Board of Health on the Epidemic Cholera of 1848 & 1849. London: 1852, p. 3)

Rosenburg: “April had been cruel, breeding cholera in dozens of American cities and villages. River and lake steamers sowed the disease at scores of landings, while the railroads…discharged cholera at points even more remote…. (Rosenberg 1963, 114). “Gold-seekers carried the disease with them across a continent. Cholera waited in brackish streams and water holes, left by one party, to be passed on to the next group following across the plains. The route westward was marked with wooden crosses and stone cairns, the crosses often bearing only a name and the word ‘cholera’

“…. By May, the disease has appeared as far north as Kenosha, Wisconsin…. It was in the infant cities of the West, with no adequate water supply, primitive sanitation, and crowded with a transient population, that the disease was most severe. St. Louis lost a tenth of her population. Cincinnati suffered almost as severely, Sandusky even more severely… (Rosenberg 1963, 115). Few towns were sufficiently small or isolated to escape. Madison, Indiana, suffered eight to fifteen deaths a day for several weeks. In Washington, another Indiana town, there were sixty deaths among the few hundred who had not fled. At the height of the epidemic, Belleville, Illinois, had twenty new cases a day. Every store closed; business ceased, and smoke from bonfires lit to purify the air continually shrouded the town. Of three hundred and fifty persons at the camp of the United States Eighth Regiment, at Lavacca, Texas, one hundred and fifty died. In the Rio Grande Valley as a whole, an army surgeon estimated that two thousand out of twenty thousand inhabitants had succumbed. It was calculated that the southern states had lost ten thousand slaves alone…” (Rosenberg 1963, 116)

“In no year between 1849 and 1854 was America free of cholera. But then, after 1854, cholera disappeared as abruptly as it had two decades before. It was a dozen years [1866[ before it was to return.” (Rosenberg 1963, 172)

Western Whig, Jan 13: “….What is the exact nature of the malignant agent in the atmosphere which causes this disease has not been discovered — But it is undoubtedly a miasma arising from the decay of vegetable matter about the mouth of the Ganges in Asia where it takes its periodical rise and spreads on westward through Europe and America…” (Western Whig, Bloomington, IL. “The Cholera.” 1-13-1849; abstracted by Terry Hogan)

Jan 24 report: “Cholera – The Cholera has so far disappeared at New Orleans, that the publication of the daily reports are omitted. Cincinnati papers, of the 17^th inst., say that it no longer exists there. At Mobile, where a few cases appeared, it has no existence now, and at Port Lavacca, and Galveston, Texas, the disease has abated greatly.” (Niles’ National Register, Philadelphia, Vol. 75, No. 4, 1-24-1849, p. 49.)

ALABAMA

Jan 8 report: Several cases of cholera had appeared at Mobile. (Niles’ National Register, Philadelphia, V.75, N.1929, 1-17-1849, p. 33.)

CALIFORNIA

PBS: “1849…Mid-April: Some 30,000 gold rushers are congregated in the outfitting towns along the Missouri River, all waiting for the prairie to firm up adequately and grass to grow high enough to feed their animals on the long journey to California. Cholera was rampant in the camps.” (PBS. American Experience. The Gold Rush. “Timeline 1769-1849.” 9-13-2006.)

ILLINOIS

Aurora:

Aug 25 report: “Aug. 25: Cholera at Aurora. The scourge has broke out in Aurora, with much apparent violence. The Beacon of last Friday gives the first two days’ ravages, during which period there had 9 cases occurred all of which we believe proved fatal. We have not received this week’s Beacon; but by private letters received here we learn that up to last Wednesday it had raged with increasing fury; as many as 15 died in one day. We are sorry to learn that among those who died was Mrs. Eastman, wife of Dr. Eastman of that place.” (Illinois Free Trader. “Cholera at Aurora.” 8-25-1849.)

Sep 7 report: “Sept. 7: The Beacon of the 30th ult. reports up to the time of its going to press 45 deaths from cholera in the town of Aurora. East of Big Woods, 4 deaths. The Beacon expresses hope that the scourge had left them as there had been no new cases for 36 hours previous to publication.” (Illinois Free Trader. 9-7-1849.)

Chicago:

Evans in Wynne: “On the 29^th of April the canal boat ‘John Drew’ arrived here with a number of emigrant passengers on board, who were direct from New Orleans, by way of St. Louis, several of whom were sick, but whether of cholera or not, I cannot ascertain. They immediately left the boat…The captain of said boat, Mr. J. Pendleton, was taken sick on the same day….The disease soon ran into the collapse stage of cholera, and he died on the night of the 30^th….Others were soon reported in different parts of the city….Its greatest ravages for a considerable time were near the river; but as canal-boats were almost hourly arriving, and no pains were taken to observe them, the manner of its spread cannot be traced. It is possible that from this time a stream of ‘cholera atmosphere,’ which soon pervaded different parts of the city, continued to flow in by way of the canal. Emigrants, too, were arriving by the eastern route, from the 20^th of April, when the lake navigation opened, many of whom were from various parts of Europe where the cholera was prevalent, and from the quarantine at Staten Island, where it again prevailed from and after the first week of April….

“That part of the city in which there was the greatest mortality, and in which scarcely an individual escaped an attack, either in the form of a diarrhoea or the more aggravated disease, is a neighborhood of three squares in the north division, situated on the highest ground in the vicinity of Chicago…These blocks are thinly built up, and are nearly surrounded by open, vacant ground. The inhabitants are mostly of the better class of Norwegians, in moderate circumstances, who live as comfortably as the average of Americans. The three blocks numbered 332 inhabitants; of these 44 died of cholera….

“A day or two previous to this time [July 7], 13 emigrants from Sweden, direct by way of New York and Buffalo, came into a house occupied by Samuel Arns and a family of eight persons. One of these emigrants took sick of cholera on the night of the 7^th of July, and died…the next day. These Swedes had been unpacking their chests of clothing the day before the man referred to took sick.[373] After his death, the rest of the emigrants were turned out of the house, an most of them left the neighborhood. The day after the death of the Swede, there were four of the members of Arns’ family taken down; of these, Mr. Arns’ mother-in-law and his child died, but the others recovered…Andrew H. Nelson, who lived in another part of the same house, with three other members of this family, all of whom had been attending upon and rubbing the Swede, were taken down on the day he died, and survived but a few hours.

“Notwithstanding the fearful mortality in this house, up to this time the health of the neighbourhood had been good, with the above exceptions. On the night of the 14^th of July, a young woman was taken ill one block south of Arns’ house, on the side walk. Swend Olson, who lived in the next house to Arns, had a slight diarrhoea for a day or two, attended upon the young woman referred to until she died, was taken with the disease immediately, and died the next morning, July 16^th, at two o’clock. Of the family in which Olson died, Mrs. Gunwald, Mrs. Olson, and a young woman, died also; one of the 23d and one on the 24^th of July, and the other on the 5^th of August.

“Mr. Gunwaldson, who was the captain of a vessel in the harbour, sailed at once for Michigan city, with his wife, for fear of the disease. They however, returned in health on the 25^th of July, and found the disease still in their house. Mrs. Gunwaldson was taken the next day after their return, but recovered. The captain was at home when Mrs. Olson died in his house on the 5^th, and leaving his wife sick of cholera, sailed again for Michigan city on the 7^th, where, on the 9^th, he was taken with it, and on the 10^th died.

(Wynne, James, M.D. Report on Epidemic Cholera… 1852, pp. 26-28; citing one Dr. Evans.)

Sep 28 report: “The number of deaths from Cholera at Chicago, during the prevalence of the disease in that city, amounted to 663, out of a population of about 23,000 souls.” (Alton Telegraph (IL). Sep 28, 1849, p. 2.)

Harper’s: “Epidemic of cholera; 30 deaths in one day (1 Aug.), 25 July-28 Aug., 1849.” (Willsey and Lewis. “Chicago,” Harper’s Book of Facts. 1895, p. 163.)

Liverpool, IL:

Luciano: Luciano writes that “On July 3, 1849, a steamboat pulled into Liverpool, apparently by way of St. Louis. During its mooring, word passed through town that a man aboard was dying of cholera. Locals stayed away, except for one Robert Summers, who went to see the stranger. Was he motivated by sympathy or curiosity? Summers never said, at least not to anyone who would live beyond the next two weeks….Summers returned home that day, only to turn sick two days later with what was thought to be dysentery….On July 10, a week after alighting the boat, Summers died….Two days later, his wife…took ill. The next day, three of the five Summers children fell sick and died. That same date, July 13, claimed the [life of a friend, Prichard, who had visited]. Two days later, Prichard’s wife, Artmacy, suffered the fastest ravages of cholera among local victims…stricken on the 15th, died at 2 o’clock p.m., and was buried that evening….Mrs. P. had spent the previous day washing her dead husband’s clothes….the Prichards’ 17-year-old son Alexander, along with local resident Thomas Stockton and a young child identified only as the offspring of a Mrs. Havens [died]. Two days later, on July 18, the Prichards’ 2-year-old daughter, Rebecca, took her last breath. Meantime, ‘one of the saddest incidents’ occurred in a hut in the woods outside town, home to a Mr. and Mrs. Fritz, according to History of Fulton County, Illinois. Word passed to townsfolk that Mr. Fritz had died, so a band of men took a horse-drawn wagon to the hut, carrying a casket. As they arrived, they heard the cries of Mrs. Fritz. As the book recounted, ‘They dying woman crawled over the body of her dead husband, imploring their aid. They put the corpse in the box, carried it away a few feet and buried it at the foot of a tree. They took the poor woman in their wagon and carried her four miles away to some of her relatives. They refused to take her in! The boys laid her under a tree and there she died in horrible agony with no brave hand to put a cup of water to her famishing lips! Mrs. Fritz was the last victim.’” (Luciano, Phil. “Crumbling ‘cholera cemetery’ marks final resting place for victims of 1849 outbreak.” Journal Star, Peoria, IL. 10-18-2014.)

Peru, IL:

Peru Historical Committee: “In the Spring of 1849 this part of the Illinois Valley suffered the worst flood known since the settlement of the country….Cholera followed the flood. In April and May several citizens fell victim, and in June it suddenly assumed a malignant and virulent character. Hundreds died in a few weeks. Citizens were panic stricken, and many fled. Old timers still tell weird and gruesome tales of those days—of how the crews of the river boats (many of them negroes) died, and of how, when the boats docked here, their bodies were laid in rows on the river bank and hurriedly buried at night. There was no time to provide caskets for any of the cholera-dead, but for those who were citizens and had families here, some sort of coffin, or at least box, was contrived. In the case of river employes, a trench was dug and the bodies placed directly in it. When the excavating for the hospital and the surrounding streets was done, many bones of those so buried were found. Of course, there were no funerals. The disease was so virulent, and the people so terrified by it, that burial was made as soon as possible after death.” (Historical Committee, Peru, Illinois Centennial, May 25-26, 1935, pp. 9, 11.)

Quincy, IL:

Collins and Perry: “This [1849] was a gloomy and depressed period for Quincy, as it was for nearly every other place in the west. Pestilence placed its paralyzing hand on all interests with a grasp and weight that can only be realized by those who have felt its dark experience. The conditions of sixteen years before were repeated, when, preceded by two sickly seasons of fever, the Asiatic cholera, decimated, within one week, the entire population of the little village, then containing between four and five hundred people. Many of the early settlers still vividly retained an apprehensive recollection of the sad scenes through which they had gone during that brief visitation of this desolating scourge. The smallpox, a more odious pest than the cholera, had in the winter and early spring prevailed to such an extent as to arouse public alarm and to call for the preventive action of the authorities, in the prescribing of general vaccination, isolation of the sick, establishing a pest house, etc. Its ravages had nearly ceased, when the more fearful foe appeared, not unexpectedly. The uncertainties that surrounded its stealthy coming gave it (aided by its chief agent, Fright,) a greatly increased fatality.

“During the preceding year it had swept through the seaboard and lake cities and early in the spring developed itself in the Mississippi Valley, coming upon Quincy like a lightning stroke. On Saturday, March 17^th, five cases were reported, all of which proved fatal during the night and Sunday. Two of them were four miles north in the country, at Miller’s or Leonard’s Mill. The other three were in the south part of the city. Only one more death occurred during this month, and none in April, thus giving hope that the blast had passed by, but with a like suddenness it reappeared on the 13th of May, when five deaths were reported, and before the end of the month seven additional fatal eases occurred; yet on the 1st of June and for the following ten days there were none. But, with a deadlier stroke it returned for the third time, on the 11th of June, and from that time continued to increase in the number of cases and malignancy, up to the 4th week in July, when it commenced abating. About the first week in September it finally disappeared.

“How it affected public feeling and business is expressed by the Whig, which, in its issue of July 10th, says:

The sickness last week, and the increased number of deaths, seems to have spread a gloom over the city, visible in the countenances of all. It is indeed a trying time in the history of Quincy. All business in a measure is suspended. Our country friends seem to have deserted us, but few visit the city, and those only who are compelled to do so, to provide the necessaries for the harvest. Travel, to a great extent, on the river, is suspended for the present, and the packets now plying between this city and St. Louis are

probably not paying expenses. How long this state of gloom and despondency is to last, the Great Disposer of events only knows.

“Two hundred and thirty-six deaths from cholera were officially reported as late as the latter part of August, when the disease had nearly run its course, but this record is defective, since many burials were unreported. The distinction between deaths from ‘cholera’ and ‘other causes’ was for reasons that will be understood, usually made to discredit the extent of the epidemic so as to allay apprehension. An addition of at least one hundred to the above figures would be not far from correct. The heaviest mortality was in the last week in July, when 44 deaths were reported, the total number reported for this month being 142, and the most deaths on any one day being 15 on the 29^th.

“Beside its free ravage among the immigrants it found a field among the families which, because

of the unusually high water, were driven from the bottom lands, near the city, and had crowded themselves together in temporary homes. Therein was a feast for the pest. In one house, thus occupied, on Vermont street, eight died within three days. In a German family, on the corner of Jefferson and Seventh, consisting of eight persons, all died save one, an infant. It destroyed entire families. The wife of a well-known Magistrate, Prentiss, was taken by it and died on Monday. On Thursday the grave was opened for the husband. Dr. Stahl, the earliest German physician, who had more to do with the disease than any other, lost his wife and child almost at the same time. Dr. Barlow rode out to visit a patient, a mile east of the city, was there caught by the cholera and died, and in a week his wife followed him. The Mayor of the city, Enoch Conyers, a man of rather unusual physical health and regularity of life, was suddenly cut down on the 21st of July. Rusk, a prominent Odd Fellow, died, ‘of cholera,’ and was buried by his lodge on the 23rd. Charles Gilman, a prominent lawyer, reporter for the Supreme Court, attended this funeral, officiated, and in the morning he was dead. No appreciation of the condition can be derived from description, nor can any words picture the general despondence of feeling. The morning enquiry was: ‘Who is dead?’

“Singularly enough, during all this time, while twice the epidemic had apparently left the city, it continuously infected the steamboats plying the river. In early June, at a time when there were no cases in the city, a steamer — the Uncle Toby — passed up the river, landed here with three dead bodies on board and before it reached Rock Island there were twenty-four more added to the death list.

“Public meetings were held to demand more complete sanitary measures, and the council ordered the examination of all stranger’s coming into the city, appointed inspectors of health for each ward, made free appropriations, established a pest house, etc., but the disease had its own way, and it was proven that no measures can ever drive away this fell destroyer when preventive precautions have been neglected.

“It is a curious fact connected with the cholera record of Quincy, a fact that perhaps may be worth scientific investigation, that on its first and second brief visits the victims were almost wholly strangers. Five of the six who died here in March and nine out of the twelve reported in May, were non-residents or newcomers, but on the third appearance in June, it struck equally at all classes of the community, although its ravages were more general among the German citizens. It then seemed to have thoroughly planted itself and pervaded the place so that neither vigorous health, regularity of life, careful precaution and avoidance of conditions which were supposed to invite the epidemic, were safeguards from attack….

“It is said that a prominent lawyer, who was afterward a supreme judge and governor of the state, hearing, while at breakfast, that the ‘cholera had come,’ gathered his family and what of furniture he could hastily pack, and hurried away as fast as horseflesh could draw him, leaving his house open and the breakfast dishes still on the table. In many cases people fled in almost equal haste at this time, and it not infrequently happened that they took the disease with them. The spread of the epidemic was, however, slight in the adjacent portions of the county.” (Collins, and Perry. Past and Present of the City of Quincy and Adams County, Illinois. 1905, p. 120-122)

INDIANA

Sutton: “….When, in the winter of 1848-9, it was announced by telegraph that Cholera was prevailing as an epidemic in New Orleans, physicians saw that it was but the announcement that this pestilence – which had been for several years previously progressing through Europe in a westwardly direction – had a second time commenced its desolating march upon this continent, and was destined to invade every State, and leave a wide-spread impression throughout our land. We watched its progress from New Orleans, as it gradually ascended the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. At first it was principally confined to the steamboats – many of which left that port crowded with passengers for the north; on these boats it frequently prevailed in its most malignant form. As the season advanced, the disease began to occur amongst the inhabitants of the towns and villages along these rivers; for early in the month of April we saw notices in the public papers of Cholera occurring at different towns below Cincinnati and St. Louis. The cases were sporadic at first, but became of more frequent occurrence as the month advanced; and about the first of May we may consider the disease assuming, in many parts of the West, the form of an epidemic; and before the middle of June it was prevailing in this form at several of the river towns in our State….

“Dearborn County. The first place in this county, and one of the first in the State, that was visited by Cholera in an epidemic form in 1849, was Aurora, a little town situated on the Ohio river, 26 miles below Cincinnati, and at that time containing about two thousand inhabitants….When Cholera made its appearance in New Orleans in the winter of 1848-9, five of our citizens became its victims before they reached home; others returned to Aurora, laboring under diarrhea, having returned on boats on which Cholera was prevailing. One man was landed at Aurora, on the first of January, from a steamboat, on which there had been a number of deaths from cholera. He had had diarrhea for several days, and a few hours after his arrival was attacked with vomiting and purging, also cramps of the extremities….he died after about a week’s illness.

“About the first of May, diarrhea became prevalent, and gradually increased during the month….But still we had no deaths from cholera up to the 19^th of May; although we had a greater amount of ill health than I had ever before witnessed in this neighborhood….On the 19^th of May, at midnight, I was sent for to attend one of our citizens, who was landed at Aurora from a steamboat on his way to Cincinnati. I found him in the collapsed stage of cholera; he died in a few hours afterwards. A large number of persons visited this patient, and several were in constant attendance on him…Several persons at the tavern, where he died, were attacked shortly after with a mild form of diarrhea…. [Goes on to note how cases, and deaths, started to multiply and become epidemical. Thus by June 12 outside physicians (and others) were arriving to assist.]

“…all regular treatment was abandoned; the prescriptions of the Quack were given alternately with those of the regular physician. The people seeing that a large number of those attacked died, resorted to every ‘Cholera specific,’ or nostrum for the disease that could be obtained. The inhabitants were daily leaving for the country, and the town bid fair to become entirely depopulated. Some persons thought the disease was produced by drinking the water from a well situated at the corner of my lot, as nearly all those attacked had been in the habit of using this water. The well was at once abandoned, and cistern water was generally used instead. But the disease still continued to progress and attack those who resided within the infected district, many of whom remained to assist the sick; others thought that fear made the epidemic more malignant, which possibly, in some instances, was the case, as we know that mental emotions may derange the action of the stomach and digestive organs, but we must also bear in mind that the disease prevailed with the same fatality amongst children that it did among adults; and they had not the least dread of the disease, and persons who faithfully attended the sick, and never manifested the least alarm, died as suddenly as the most timid….

“On the 14^th large fires were made at the corners of the streets, in the infected portion of the town, and cannon were fired every twenty-five minutes for four or five hours. This, I have no doubt, did harm. We had 14 deaths this day, and the disease was unusually malignant. Some died in four hours after they were attacked….

“On the 21^st, a man and his wife, who were our nearest neighbors, both died….This made three deaths out of this family of six persons. To give some idea of the malignancy and fatality of the disease in this part of the town, which I believe to be the healthiest, as it is the farthest from the river, the creek, and our two distilleries, and by no means densely inhabited, for nearly every alternate lot is vacant. In the first house east of my own, there resided four persons, all adults, three of whom died. The house directly opposite to mine was occupied by eight persons, five of whom died. In the house back of my own, there were four deaths out of a family of six; and in the first house west of mine, there were, as I before mentioned, six persons, three of whom died. In the adjoining house to this one, resided a man, his wife and child; the man and wife both died. In the next room beyond, a woman died. In the next house were five persons, three of whom died. In the next house beyond this one again, a man and his wife resided, they both died; and in every house along the street in this square, there were more or less deaths. Then back of these buildings, along the next street, which is some 25 or 30 feet higher, as this portion of the town is on the hill side, the mortality was equally as great. There were in the infected district about 97 inhabitants, 51 of whom died. Several left at the commencement of the disease, that are not included in this number. My family, six in number, was rather more fortunate than most of our neighbors – we lost but one, although all unwell. I had diarrhea almost daily, and had become so enfeebled that I could scarcely walk; and I have not been able to hear of any person who resided within this part of the town, that was not more or less unwell.

“Three weeks from the time cholera assumed its malignant form, our town presented the most desolate appearance – 1,600 out of a population of 2,000, had left the place. The few neighbors we had were most of them too unwell to leave their houses; and as we saw but few individuals, the part of the town in which I resided appeared almost entirely deserted. Those who went to the country, with few exceptions, soon regained their health; for out of the 1,600 that left Aurora, there were only 13 deaths, and nearly all who died were attacked before they went away, and it is worthy of remark that, although the citizens that left Aurora unwell regained their health, yet they appeared in many instances to communicate the disease to the inhabitants in the country. Living in the midst of this infected district, I had a good opportunity of observing, from day to day, the progress of the disease, and its effects upon myself and family. We all felt an inexpressible sensation of lassitude and debility; the least imprudence in diet would bring on diarrhea, and I noticed in myself that sometimes a draught of cold water, or a little fatigue, or a change in the weather, would bring on symptoms of the disease. I found it necessary ultimately to remove my own family from this infected portion of the town for the restoration of their health: the change produced at once the best effects.

“Deaths continued daily to occur; and on the 3^rd and 4^th of July, it appeared with fresh violence in another part of the town, about half a mile below where it had been prevailing. On the 3^rd there were 14 deaths….The disease gradually continued to decline up to the 2d day of August; and after that time we had no deaths from cholera, and our town became unusually healthy. On the return of our citizens, there was no increase of the disease. During the fall, dysentery prevailed in the surrounding country to a considerable extent; there were but few cases at Aurora. We had now lost, from the 27^th of May up to the 2d of August, 132 of our inhabitants – 51 men, 34 women, and 47 children under 12 years of age. While the cholera was prevailing, several dogs and cats died suddenly in the infected portion of the town, which was supposed by some to be caused by cholera.” (pp. 109-116.) (Sutton, George, M.D. “A Report to the Indiana State Medical Society, on Asiatic Cholera, as it Prevailed in this State in 1849-50-51-52.” Pages 109-175 in Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Meeting of the Indiana State Medical Society, held in the City of Lafayette, May, 1853. 1853.)

Daly on Aurora: “Aurora, Indiana, is a river town about 25 miles downstream from Cincinnati….By 1849, the population was 2,000. On June 14, there were 14 deaths despite great efforts to purify the air by fires burning at street crossings and a canon fired every 25 minutes for 4–5 hours. Fifty-one more died over the next three weeks. Sixteen hundred of the 2,000 residents fled the town. Fright must have been the chief cause of flight. Perhaps they were driven out by the fear that it was the local air that carried the disease. One hundred twenty-two died in the town; there were 13 deaths among the 1,600 who fled. Four county physicians died during that epidemic. Leaving was a good idea, but they carried the cholera with them.[374] After the epidemic passed, people returned and growth continued.” (Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley of America”)

Daly on Boston: “Boston, Indiana, a crossroads village about 15 miles south of the National Road had 120 people in 1849. There were 53 deaths over five weeks. Of those who became ill, only one recovered. Graves were dug by family members on their own property. The town was abandoned except for one family. Often there was no one left to bury the dead.” (Daly. “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley of America”[375])

KENTUCKY

Louisville

Jan 8 report: By Jan 8 several cases of cholera had appeared “at Louisville and other points on the Ohio and Mississippi…. The Louisville Courier notices the death of twenty-one persons on board of four steamboats on the Mississippi.” (Niles’ National Register, V.75, N.1929, 1-17-1849, p. 33.)

Wynne: “On the 1^st of May cholera appeared at Louisville, and occurred almost simultaneously in several places in the district between Main and Water streets, extending east and west from Fifth to Sixth streets…. (p. 18) Cases of cholera had been brought to Louisville by the steamboats at different times during the winter and spring months of 1849, but although the greatest apprehension existed lest it should spread through the town, no indigenous case occurred before the 1^st of May of that year…The first case occurred in a house located in a very unhealthy position below the summit of the second bank of the river, and in the immediate neighborhood of yards that received the filthy washings of the more elevated ground above….From this period to the 25^th there were 33 deaths, and about twice that number of cases…” (Wynne, James, M.D. Abstract of Report on Epidemic Cholera, as it Prevailed in the United States in 1849 and 1850. Appendix (C.) to Report of the General Board of Health on the Epidemic Cholera of 1848 & 1849. 1852, p. 19.)

Bell in Wynne: “During the night of the 23d [Monday] of July cholera commenced its ravages in the small district we have described [Market St. between Tenth and Eleventh], and by Tuesday night at 11 o’clock there had been 50 cases, and 30 deaths. The remainder died after 11 o’clock, and during the next morning. From 11 o’clock on Wednesday up to nightfall there was not a new case, but immediately after sunset there were 15 new cases….

“They [citizens] were assured that there was no danger n day-time, but that they must not expose themselves to the night air. Of the large number that worked in the day-time, from Tuesday up to Saturday afternoon, not one was attacked with disease, but a number of those who exposed themselves at night died, thus giving conclusive proof of the malarial origin of cholera. A few of the survivors, who were scattered over the healthy parts of the town died at various periods for more than a week, but no one of the families among whom they died suffered any attack of cholera. We neglected to say in its proper place that on the night the cholera broke out the west wind was blowing over the decaying hemp in the edge of the pond, carrying the malaria directly upon the south side of the infected square, and the south side suffered much the greatest mortality. [Dr. Bell, not otherwise identified, in Wynne 1852, p. 21.] ….

“Two weeks after this, another outbreak took place towards the upper end of Jefferson-street, in a square bounded by Preston and Jackson, Jefferson and Green. An old pond stands in the middle of the square, and its edges are covered with vegetable filth. The marshy places were in a horrible condition. On the north-west corner of the square is a number of miserable shanties, and behind them, extending the whole width of the lots on which they stand, was a green pool, containing masses of vegetable filth. The south wind blew over this marsh, and the houses on both sides of Jefferson, and along on Jackson-street, in the direct path of the wind, suffered severely, while numbers of families on Green and Jackson, living much higher than the marshes, escaped entirely. The wind blew the malaria from them over to Jefferson-street. Under the floors of the shanties…the water stood six feet deep, and nearly all the cellars in the square had from three and a half to five feet of water in them. About 20 deaths took place under this visitation, but they were scattered over several squares…” [Dr. Bell, in Wynne 1852, pp. 21-22.]

LOUISIANA

New Orleans

Dec 22, 1848: “On the 22d ult. [last month] the deaths in the Charity Hospital were 22 – new cases admitted, 41. The interments in the city on the same day from Cholera cases were 69. A letter dated on the 23d, says: ‘The Cholera has paralyzed business to an enormous extent. Our hotels are nearly vacant; all that could leave are gone. Within two days the epidemic has taken not only the poor and exposed, but some of our best citizens.’ On that day there were 43 deaths in the Charity Hospital. The Captains of steamboats on the western waters state that it was impossible to get crews for New Orleans, on account of fears of the Cholera. A dispatch on the 28^th, says that the disease was abating.” (Niles’ National Register, Philadelphia, Vol. 75, No. 1927, 1-3-1849, p. 1.)

Jan 7 report: “Cholera. – The reports of the progress of this disease in the South and West may have been exaggerated, nevertheless the mortality is truly alarming. The number of deaths at New Orleans, from the 13^th [Dec, 1848] when it broke out to noon of the 31^st ult., amounted to 802, being a fraction more than 44 a day. The papers of the 1^st and 2^nd inst. [Jan] speak of the disease as subsiding and yielding more readily to medical treatment. The interments for the twenty-four hours preceding noon of the 7^th inst., were thirty-eight.” (Niles’ National Register, Philadelphia, V.75, N.1929, 1-17-1849, p. 33.)

July 10 report: “The Health of the City. – The Report of the Board of Health, published in our columns to-day, exhibits a most satisfactory state of the public health. Only sixteen cases of cholera have occurred during the week, and the whole number of interments is ninety two, showing a smaller mortality than in any previous week for the last eight months. At the present moment, New Orleans is unquestionably the healthiest city in the Union. – N.O. Bee, July 10.” (Alta California, San Francisco. “The Health of the City” [NOLA]. 9-6-1849, p. 5.)

MARYLAND

Baltimore Almshouse

Wynne: “On the 1^st day of July, an old man named John Cranmer, an inmate of the Baltimore almshouse, suffering from an ulcer, was attacked with unequivocal symptoms of cholera, but recovered.

“The Almshouse is situated upon a very beautiful and healthy slope, about two miles north-west of the populous portion of the city, and is in immediate contiguity with the country-seats of several of the wealthy families of the town. It is surrounded by a farm of upwards of 200 acres belonging to the establishment….

“The main building was originally the country-seat of a wealthy citizen, who erected a costly mansion upon the spot on account of its beauty and healthfulness. The adjoining wings and outbuildings have since been added to afford accommodation to its numerous inmates, who some seasons of the year amount to between six and seven hundred. [p.70]

“….The main building is occupied by the attendants of the establishment, the east wing by the male, and the west wing by the female inmates.

“An enclosure of about four and a half acres, surrounded by a wall adjoins the building upon its north side. Within this enclosure, a building has been erected…The lower basement, as well as the second story, are occupied by lunatics; the third is devoted to foundlings and nurses, and the fourth to aged females.

“Each of these stories has windows looking out upon the east and west. In the lower a door opens to the north. All the other stories present a blank front to this exposure. In close proximity to this door is the cesspool which accommodates this building. Along the northern wall, starting from this point, occur in succession the wash-house, where a large amount of dirty linen is washed, the dead-house, and the men’s privy.

“Adjoining the east wall and immediately in the rear of the men’s wing is the black people’s hospital. From the north-east corner of this building, a communication exists with the pig-pen outside of the wall, where a large number of pigs are usually kept for the purpose of feeding them. About midway in this building, opening outside of the wall, is a cesspool….

“In the rear of the north wall is a ravine, which approaches the wall on its western angle, to within about nine feet…This ravine is the outlet for all the waste water and filth of the establishment which it deposits at some distance below into Rutter’s run. It is almost dry in summer, but wet when swollen with rain….

“Previous to the appearance of this case of cholera, the visiting physician, Dr. Thomas Buckler, was quite earnest and emphatic in his directions to have the whole establishment thoroughly cleansed….

“On the morning of the 7^th, a man named Peter Grow Ruburg, who had…been an inmate of the house for some time, was attacked by cholera and died. On the 11^th, the disease appeared on the women’s side of the house; the female attacked died. On the 12^th, two new cases occurred, one on the men’s side, and the other on the women’s; both proved fatal. [p.71]

“On the 13^th, a man was attacked and died; and on the 14^th, ten cases appeared in the men’s wards, and three in the women’s….

“A rumour obtained currency at the time, that the disease was brought from Philadelphia, where it then prevailed, by a poor English traveler, named Alexander Wirt, who was sent to the almshouse on the afternoon of the 7^th, and died soon after his admission…Dr. Buckler, through whose intervention the man had been sent to the almshouse…stated that a poor man called at his office for medical aid; he seemed extremely ill, and threw himself or fell upon a lounge in the office soon after he entered, in a state of exhaustion, and vomited what had the semblance of a rice-water discharge; his whole appearance led the Doctor to believe that he was in the collapse stage of cholera, and would soon die; indeed he had fears that he would die before he was removed from the office. Under the influence of a powerful stimulant he partially revived, and was removed in a carriage to his lodgings, where he was refused admittance, and was finally carried to the almshouse. He died two days after his admission, without [in the opinion of Dr. Wynne] manifesting any symptoms of cholera…

“Fully impressed with the belief that the disease was dependent for its spread upon some local cause as yet undiscovered, the attending physician, Dr. Thomas Buckler, on the 15^th requested the Board of Trustees to meet at the almshouse on the following day (Sunday), in order to authorize the depopulation of the establishment. He proposed to provide the inmates with tents upon a healthy part of the grounds, and to subject the house and adjacent grounds to a thorough purification. The Board adjourned without final action, until the following Wednesday (18^th), when the disease had increased to such an extent as to induce the medical attendant to revoke his suggestion as to the removal of the inmates. Under the direction of the Board, the cholera patients after this date (the 18^th of July) were assigned a place in the upper story of the black people’s hospital.

“Dr. Buckler, who was sadly puzzled at not finding any local cause to warrant the spread of the disease within the enclosure, on the morning of the 19^th, determined to investigate the subject fully, and made for the first time a survey of the premises outside of the wall, surrounding the building upon its northern exposure. He commenced his scrutiny on the east wall, and discovered the cesspool connected with the black people’s hospital overflowed, and in a very filthy condition; continuing the inquiry, he found that the drainings from the extensive pigsty had covered a large space with an offensive and putrescent deposit, which covered a large surface of rank grass and rotten weeds, and then found their way to a filthy pool, the contents of which seemed to be in a state of actual fermentation. The next [end of p.72] object which he met, was a large surface covered with the overflowing contents of the men’s privy, and a short distance from this a similar one of greater depth, containing the washings from the dead-house; and still further on, a much larger one, at least 30 feet wide, by 40 feet long, and 3 feet deep, about 20 feet from the north wall, leading from the wash-house, and communicating with a similar one charged with the contents of the cesspool attached to the insane female ward. In short, the whole space included between the ravine and the wall, upon its north side, was one putrid and pestilential mass, capable of generating, under the ardent rays of a midsummer sun, the most poisonous and deadly exhalations. Did this cause the spread of cholera among the inmates of the institution?

The inmates in the almshouse when the cholera first made its appearance… 543

Admitted during its prevalence… 88

Born in the house… 1

Inmates discharged during the same period… 53

Eloped… 62

Died of cholera 99

Died of other diseases… 13

Remaining… 405

632

“….It will be remembered that in the building running from north to south, on the females’ side of the establishment, the lower story had a communication by means of a door to the north, and quite near to the cesspool, and that the remaining stories presented to this point of the compass a blank wall….In the lower story were seventeen lunatics, all of whom were attacked with cholera, and all died. The remaining inmates of the building entirely escaped; not a single case of the disease appeared in either of the other two stories….

“Some difficulty was experienced in procuring men to remove the nuisance, so that it remained in the condition in which it had been discovered until the following Monday, the 23d of July, on which day night-men from the city were employed for the purpose. They commenced by draining each pool by deep trenches into the ravine, and then by letting a stream of water from the mill which supplies the house in a full jet, three inches in size, upon them. After their contents were thus washed out, the whole surface was thickly covered with lime, over which was put a deep stratum of earth. The men employed to drain these pools were attacked with cholera in town, but recovered; they did not spread the disease. From the 25^th, when the draining was completed, the disease suddenly declined from eleven the day previous to three, and by the 9^th of August had entirely disappeared.” (Wynne 1852, p. 70-74.)

MASSACHUSETTS

Boston

Capen: “We are indebted to Mr. Simonds, the City Registrar, for the following return of the deaths by cholera in Boston, during the past season. It is probably as complete as any report of the kind can be made. Some deaths by the disease may have occurred which were not reported; but not more, it is presumed, than may have been erroneously returned as cholera cases….In the cholera hospital it appears, by the report of the physician, that the whole number of admissions was 262, of whom 160 died, or nearly 67 per cent. The ages of the individuals who died are not stated below, but a very large proportion of them are known to have been of middle age – as has been the case, it is believed, wherever the disease has prevailed. The first death by cholera occurred June 3d, and there were seven other deaths in that month. During the month of July, the greatest number in a day was six. The disease became epidemic about the 1^st of August, as follows….”

June… 8

July… 52

Aug… 418

Sept… 133 (Capen (ed.). MA State Record & Yearbook of General Information, 1850 (V. IV.)

Wynne: “….most persons throughout the city were more or less affected by the cholera atmosphere; bu few cases of the actual disease, and still fewer deaths, occurred in any of the more dry and airy portions of the metropolis. The epidemic made its first attack and spent its force in those localities which were nearest to the level of the sea, and, in fact, rescued from it [the sea] by filling up with dock-mud; which were the least perfect in drainage, the worst ventilated, and the most crowded and filthy.

“….For the most part, the temperate, the moral, the well-conditioned, escaped; whilst the imprudent, the vicious, and he poorly fed succumbed to its insidious influences.

“The first case of cholera occurred at No. 11, Hamilton-street, on the 3d of June; the individual attacked was an Irishman. Four deaths occurred during the week ending the 8^th of June, and but two in the following week. The total number of deaths for the month of June, from all causes, was 306, of which but eight were from cholera….

“…In July, with the increase of temperature, the number of deaths from cholera amounted to 46, in August to 412, in September to 142, and in October to 3, when it finally subsided…” (Wynne 1852, pp. 56-57)

Harper’s: May 30, 1949 – 1^st case of cholera. 2,000 deaths in 3 months [not accurate]. (Willsey and Lewis. Harper’s Book of Facts. 1895, p. 131.)

MISSOURI

St. Louis

Nat: “Even as the embers of the Great Fire [May 17] still glowed hot in May 1849, St. Louisans were dying each day of cholera. A relatively new disease in 1849, cholera was first brought to America in 1832 by Irish immigrants. In late December 1848 the disease made a re-appearance in St. Louis, and eight people died during the first week in January. By May 1849 the disease struck with all its ferocity, and it reached its peak in July, when 145 people died in one day and 722 in one week. By July 30, 1849, 4,547 cholera victims had been buried in the city since the first of the year.

“Cholera was and is a frightening disease because it strikes quickly and sometimes runs its course in a few hours – the patient gets sick and quickly dies. Severe diarrhea and vomiting cause a person to dehydrate rapidly, leading to blood loss and the shrinking and wrinkling of the skin. The patient begins to turn blue, with intense pain. In a few hours, or at most a few days, people either die or, in a few cases, survive.

“Today, massive infusions of saline solution and hospitalization can save a patient. But in the 19th century, no one knew how the disease was contracted or how to treat it. No precautions were taken against drinking contaminated water or milk, which is how cholera is spread. Sanitation in St. Louis was extremely poor. There was no sewer system, and the city was built on limestone rock honeycombed with interconnected caverns. This massive underground aquifer system allowed human waste and garbage to infiltrate drinking water and wells, spreading the disease rapidly.

“St. Louisans had no idea what they were dealing with or how to stop it. “Bad vapors” rising from the sinkholes were suspected of causing cholera. Some counted on prayer and fasting to deliver them from the disease, but still drank water. Many thought cabbage and other vegetables, especially sauerkraut, to be the cause of the illness. This was due to the fact that the 1849 epidemic was brought to St. Louis by a large influx of German immigrants. One of the city’s most respected physicians, Dr. Hardage Lane, prescribed two grain pills of asafetida, opium and pulverized black pepper to be taken every 30 to 45 minutes for a four hour period until the patient recovered or died.

“On June 25, 1849, a mass meeting convened at the Old Courthouse to decide what to do. So many of the city fathers had run off that the City Council was inoperative, and Mayor John M. Krum appointed a special committee of twelve prominent citizens. The committee ordered that school buildings be converted into hospitals. To take away the “noxious vapors” which might cause the disease, it was ordered that stone coal, resinous tar and sulfur be burned on the city’s street corners. Cesspools, including Chouteau’s Pond, were ordered to be drained and the construction of a sewer system was approved.

“On July 3 a quarantine was imposed on incoming steamboats from the south at Quarantine (or Arsenal) Island south of the city. Those who seemed to be sick were isolated on the steamboat St. Louis, moored at the island. By August 1, permanent barracks and an infirmary were built on the island, and 1,700 people had been quarantined. Doctors and businessmen applied pressure to make the quarantine permanent. The quarantine seemed to help, for there were only 883 cholera deaths in 1850 and 845 in 1851. A few cases appeared each year through 1855, with no more after 1855 until 1866, when another epidemic claimed 3,527 lives.

“In 1849, St. Louis was harder hit than any city of comparable size in the U.S. The majority of the victims were recent immigrants, and 1/3 were children five years old and younger. In St. Louis in 1849 there were 8,423 registered deaths and an unknown number of unregistered fatalities, out of a population of over 63,000. The epidemic was a frightening and thorough killer, wiping out about 1/10 of the city’s population. Worse, the disease was swept westward from St. Louis by the gold rush pioneers, and was the single biggest killer of emigrants on the overland trails to California and Oregon.

“In the year 1849 the people of St. Louis suffered through two major disasters, a devastating fire and a frightening epidemic. The city survived, rebuilt, and instituted reforms which allowed it to remain one of the premiere cities in the United States. New building codes, sewer systems, quarantines, wider streets and within a few years a professional fire department made St. Louis a better place to live for all.” (Nat. P. S. Year of Disaster… St. Louis…Cholera Epidemic of 1849.)

Niles’ National Register, May 30 edition: “The New York Express has the following: —

“Burning Out The Cholera. – The citizens in some parts of St. Louis, while the cholera there was at its worst, kept tar burning day and night, at the corner of almost every other block, with the design of purifying the atmosphere. The best effects, it is believed, followed this cheap and simple method of treating the scourge, for it was remarkable that in the districts where no such experiment was tried, the deaths were most numerous, During the prevalence of cholera in and about Pittsburgh, in 1832, it will be remembered that large coal fires were kept burning in the streets, which were so purifying in their influences on the air, that but a very limited number of cases of the disease occurred in the city. Another remarkable fact in this connexion [sic] is worth mentioning – when the cholera disappeared from the city of New York in 1832-33, it was ascertained that there had not been a single case in the immediate vicinity of the gas works, where large quantities of coal are kept constantly burning. As the experiment can be made with but a trifling expense, it would be well to test the sanative effects of the tar, should the disease visit us in good earnest any time the present summer.

“Gunpowder vs. Cholera. – When the cholera visited London in 1832 and 33, the city authorities had small quantities of gunpowder tied tightly in strong papers, and fired in the alleys and densely populated portions of the great metropolis. The concussion disturbed the air, and he odor from the powder displaced obnoxious effluvia, and purified the atmosphere. It was used in theatres, churches, and school rooms, and was found to be a powerful disinfecting agent, the small remaining upwards of 24 hours in the building….” (Niles’ National Register, Philadelphia, Vol. 75, No. 22, 5-30-1849, p. 346.)

Peters: “This city was the most interesting and important receiving and distributing point of cholera in 1849 and the subsequent years. Its full history has been written only quite lately by Dr. Robert Moore, C.E…. cholera was brought to New Orleans early and late in December, 1848. During the last week of this month several steamboats came to St. Louis from New Orleans with the disease on board. The first was the Amaranth, Dec. 28th, with 30 eases. On Jan. 2, 1849, the steamboats Aleck, with 36 cases, the Scott and St. Paul with 26 cases, arrived; on Jan. 7th the Gen. Jessup with many cases and six deaths. All these boats brought many infected emigrants, who with all their infected baggage were landed and scattered through the city without the slightest delay or hindrance; hence on the 9th several cases were reported, which were said to be sporadic, and caused by cabbage.

“The pestilence was now fairly planted, and for the next four years was never wholly absent from St. Louis. In Jan. 1849, there were 36 deaths; in February only 21; in March, 78; in April, 126. On April 12 the steamboat Iowa came from New Orleans with 451 Mormon deck passengers, and 9 deaths from cholera, and in the first week in May there were 78 deaths. St. Louis now became alarmed and used chloride of lime in the back yards and dirty places. On May 9th there were 24 new cases, and the steamboat America arrived with 22 deaths on board, and by May 14th there were 26 deaths in St. Louis per day. On the night of May 17th the great fire occurred which burnt 26 steamboats and many blocks of buildings, but the pestilence was only slightly checked thereby, there being 20 deaths a day for several weeks after, but on June 9th there were 37, and in the week ending June 17th, 402 deaths, or 57 per day. On June 17 the Sultana came with nearly 400 more immigrants, 25 deaths, and 6 bodies on board. For the week ending June 24 there were 601 deaths, or 86 per day.

“On the 25th a mass meeting was held, and the mayor, common council and health officers deposed, and ward committees of public health appointed with absolute powers. Block inspectors were selected for each block of houses, and some of the best and wealthiest citizens served upon them without pay. All disobedience of orders was punished by fines of $500 or less and imprisonment. School-houses were seized for hospitals, and district physicians appointed. The city was thoroughly cleansed and the streets and yards by the block inspectors. Coal, sulphur and tar were burnt in every street, and a day of fasting and prayer ordained. But the committee of safety continued to work without regard to the day of fasting. and determined to fast from cholera and not from food or work, and took that day to establish a quarantine and stop all infected boats, which they did; and also kept the fires going and the sulphur and tar smoke, which filled the whole city. In spite of all this, on July 10th the deaths reached 184, but then the pestilence rapidly declined, and on July 31st there were only three deaths from cholera. The committee had only spent $16,000 out of an appropriation of $50,000, so generous and earnest were the citizens. The total mortality was 4,555.

“St. Louis depended entirely upon surface wells for drinking water, and had numberless outdoor privy pits, which contaminated them. If tar or carbolic acid could have been thrown into the worst wells, and the privies could have been thoroughly disinfected with sulphuric acid, the epidemic would have soon been over. Burning tar, sulphur and coal to purify the air, when the disease was in the wells and privies, would be amusing at the present day, if it had not been done lately in Toulon and Marseilles.” (Peters. “General History of the Disease…up to 1885,” in Wendt 1885, 30-31)

St. Louis Union (in Roberts): “Cholera in St. Louis.

“All worldly matters have now given way in this city to the one absorbing dread of the cholera. This terrible destroyer of the human race seems to increase in violence in this city daily, until we can scarcely look at its ravages without a shudder of terror. Already it has carried off over five thousand of our population, and now its blows [end of p.55] fall with more fearful and fatal rapidity than ever. To add to our terror, medical specifics and medical skill becomes each day more inefficient and useless to arrest the disease in its progress to fatality. Indeed, most of our eminent medical men now declare the disease an outlaw, to which no known rules of treatment can be applied with any certainty of success. Contrary to our first suppositions, it seems now to have little or no regard to the classes of society it attacks as the rich fall with the poor; the temperate and comfortable in life, along with the dissolute , the abandoned, or the wretched. The past week’s bill of mortality proves this, as in it will be found numbers of what are called the better class of society – a large number of them females, too, whom we are bound to believe were prudent and temperate. On the other hand, three or four hundred, generally impoverished, dirty, and wretched foreigners, quarantined below this city, remain comparatively healthy in all their filth and discomforts. As regards the city itself, we have heard it remarked often of late that in the most filthy parts of it, there is now the least amount of sickness. What, then, can be the law that governs this disease? If care, cleanliness, and all the comforts of life, judiciously used, form no barrier, what will arrest it? We frankly confess we do not possess the shadow of any knowledge on the matter. All we can say is, to do what we can to ward off this disease, and trust to Providence. Come what may be cheerful, be contented, be resigned and we lessen its terrors if we cannot avert it altogether.” (Pp. 55-56 in: Roberts, Joel. Cholera of 1849, and the Opinions of Medical and Other Professional Gentlemen… Sandusky City, OH: W. S. Mills & Co., Printers, 1850. Accessed at Ohio Memory, Ohio Historical Society.)

Wynne: “The first case originating in St. Louis occurred on the 5^th of January 1849, in the person of a stout healthy man, who had returned about four months previously from New Mexico, and was employed in the upper part of the town as a labourer….Two or three hours after dinner he was seized with vomiting, purging, and cramps; at four o’clock in the afternoon he was taken to the St. Louis hospital. His disease, at the period of the attack, had all the characteristics of Asiatic cholera, from which disease he died at two o’clock in the following morning….

“The mortality up to the month of May was chiefly confined to the lower classes and the emigrants from Europe, who arrived in large numbers, debilitated by long confinement on shipboard, and in the most favourable condition for contracting the disease, when introduced into the atmosphere freighted with the seeds of the pestilence. After this period, its diffusions became more general. [Dr. Wynne now quotes from a statement from one Dr. McPheeters.]

From the commencement of the cholera in St. Louis, to its termination, there were certain localities in which the disease raged with peculiar violence. These points seemed to act as foci from whence the disease radiated to other parts, and the facts connected with them form an interesting subject of inquiry, especially as they were regarded by those who advocate the doctrine of contagion as having an important bearing on the subject.

The first of these infected localities which attracted public attention was a house situated near the corner of Seventh and St. Charles streets, and occupied by several Irish families, some inhabiting the damp basement, and others the upper apartments. As early as the middle of January, a case of cholera, originating on the river, was taken to this house, and died. Soon after the disease broke out among the other inmates, some six or seven of whom died in the course of ten days, or two weeks, after which the house was abandoned….

The next of these ill-fated locations, which at a later period became celebrated for its mortality, was on the north-west side of Green-street, between Sixth and Seventh, in a row of small two-story frame buildings. This row was densely inhabited, mostly by Irish. Here the disease prevailed violently, scarce a family escaped without one or more deaths, and some were almost entirely swept off. The only peculiarity about the situation of these houses is that they are build near the ground, and with lots so exceeding shallow as to bring the outhouses within a few feet of the back doors.

“Still later in the season, the disease prevailed with fearful violence on the north side of St. Charles-street, between Eighth and Ninth streets, in a row of small two-story frame and brick houses, numerously occupied by mechanics and labourers, whose condition was somewhat better than on Green-street. Nearly the entire population of this block was swept off, 192 deaths occurring in the row. The street opposite has never been paved; the situation is damp, the cellars were filled with water, and he premises otherwise filthy.

What is called “Vinegar hill,” situated between Fourteenth and Fifteenth and Christy avenue, and Morgan streets, was also another of these fatal localities. The inhabitants here are mostly Irish.

The neighbourhood of Biddle and O’Fallon, and Eighth streets, as well as Biddle and Tenth, may also be enumerated among the infected districts. Here the disease raged with unmitigated severity, sweeping off hundreds. During the months of June and July, having frequently gone into these neighborhoods to see a single case, I was detained for hours, going from house to house, and prescribing as rapidly as possible. The population of these neighborhoods are almost entirely composed of German and Irish, who have herded together in large numbers. Near by, also, are large ponds of stagnant water, some of which cover 20 or 30 acres of ground. [page 15]

But by far the most fatal locality was that known as Shephard’s graveyard (so called from the number of deaths which occurred there), being in the south-western part of the city, and embracing three squares, the former bed of Chouteau’s pond. The situation of this place is low, damp, and filthy, and teemed with a population of the poorest and most destitute character. Here, as might naturally be expected, the cholera raged with unmitigated violence, and carried off its scores and hundreds. I am informed by Dr. Alleyne, who had charge of that district during the epidemic, that very many cases occurred without the slightest premonitory diarrhoea, and terminated fatally in an unusually short time.

Besides the points above enumerated, there were several other localities in different parts of the city, in which the disease was more fatal than usual; among which may be mentioned the districts of St. George and Bremen. As a general fact, it may be stated, that the cholera prevailed most in those parts of the city in which there were thee largest number of persons herded together, where the streets were unpaved, and where there was the greatest amount of filth and moisture. As proof of this, it is worthy of remark, that there were comparatively few cases in that part of the city which is well paved, well built, and inhabited by the better class of persons; for example, from Sixty-street east to the river. But while no class or condition could claim an exemption, and while some of our best and most useful of citizens fell victims to the disease, it yet fell most heavily on the poorer classes, from their exposed condition, and especially on our foreign population. It is perhaps, not too much to say, that at least seven tenths of the entire mortality occurred among the Germans and Irish. [page 16] ….

Yet notwithstanding the warning given by its gradual approach, and the length of time thus afforded for placing the city in order for its reception…there was manifested a singular and almost reckless apathy on the part of our authorities. The city never was in a more filthy condition, and yet no adequate steps were taken towards cleansing it, until at length public indignation was roused to such a pitch by the cruel inaction of the authorities, that mass meetings were assembled, and the people in their sovereign capacity demanded of them, in language not to be mistaken, either to do their duty, or at once to resign. But so afraid were they of taking responsibility on themselves, or of spending the people’s money for the people’s good, when they themselves demanded it at their hands, that they ingloriously shrunk from the crisis, and conferred all the power and authority which by law was vested in them, and which they only could have exercised before, to an irresponsible “Committee of Health” composed of private citizens, who patriotically stepped forward, and did what the city authorities should long before have done. Too much praise cannot be awarded to the Committee of Health, for the prompt and efficient manner in which they discharged the duties assigned them. They commenced their operations about the 28^th of June, held daily meetings, and by systematic and vigourous action, did all in their power to stay the arm of the destroyer. Temporary hospitals were established in each ward, physicians employed, and all the appliances of comfort secured for the accommodation of the poor. The city was also cleansed as thoroughly as possible, bonfires were nightly built in almost every street, and the whole city repeatedly fumigated with tar and sulphur, and other hygienic measures adopted…. [page 16]

As the choler began to disappear dysenteric affections became very prevalent. These were often troublesome, and not unfrequently fatal… [page 17]

Kansas City, MO and Environs:

Miller: “At the same this new element of trade and town development came into existence, there came also that dread scourge, the cholera. It came first in 1849. It first made its appearance among some Belgians brought here by Mr. Guinotte and Mr. Chouteau. There were about eighty of them camped below town, and the cholera proved very fatal among them, and soon spread to other classes of the populations and to Independence, Westport and other neighboring places….Kansas City this year having a large trade and many steamboats touching her levee from points below, received the scourge in its most fatal form. It followed the California emigrants in 1849 and 1850 on to the plains, and besides decimating their numbers also greatly depressed the trade and emigration. In 1850 there was little if any of it in Kansas City, or in the adjacent cities of Independence and Westport, and, though it had caused the flight of many people from here, they returned, and in 1850 Kansas City had a population of between 700 and 800.” (Miller, W. H. The History of Kansas City. 1881, p. 43.)

NEW JERSEY

Newark

Wynne: “During the month of May 1849, cases of cholera occurred in different parts of the state of New Jersey, both in towns and country. It, however, prevailed more extensively in Newark and Patterson than elsewhere.” (Wynne 1852, p. 44.)

“Diarrhoea preceded the appearance of cholera by several weeks, and in the latter end of May these cases assumed so severe a form, and were accompanied by so sudden a prostration of the nervous energy, as to have placed them in the category of cholera had the disease existed.

“The first case of cholera reported at Newark was on the 31^st of May. During the month of June but four cases occurred; from the last of June to the 10^th of July no new case occurred; from that period to the 24^th, 9 deaths from cholera were recorded from the 24^th to the 29^th, 17 deaths. In August the deaths amounted to 82. From the 15^th to the 24^th of this month the disease manifested its greatest malignity, and the deaths amounted to 10 each day. After that period it began to decline; in September but 65 deaths were recorded, and in October.

“The disease prevailed 100 days, during which 150 deaths occurred, of which 87 were males, and 63 females.” (Wynne 1852, pp. 44-45; citing a Dr. Clark)

Dr. Clark in Wynne: “Although the remote causes of the disease are enveloped in impenetrable mystery, among what we do know are these: — That its favourite place of development is where filth abounds, where many are crowded into too small a space, and where noxious exhalations arise….During the present year there occurred about ten cases of cholera in Commerce-street, between the corner of Mulberry-street and the market, and I am told that cases of diarrhoea occurred in almost every house between these points….It two other points in the East ward, Gallagher’s-court and Durand-street, both remarkable for their crowded and filthy condition, the cases were numerous and fatal. Maiden-lane and Washington-street, and the vicinity of the filthy dead stream that flows through that part of the city, and the low grounds in the rear of the ‘Nine-row’ in Summit-street, were the most fatal localities in West ward. In the North ward, Quarry-street and some parts of Plane-street, where streams flow on the surface, most of the fatal cases occurred. In this ward, surely, he disease seemed to incline to filthy and badly-ventilated houses. In the South ward groups of cases occurred in the vicinity of the Chestnut-street depot. Whether influenced by the low grounds in the vicinity, and consequent malarious atmosphere that prevails, I would not express an opinion.” (Dr. Clark[376] in Wynne 1852, p. 45.)

NEW YORK STATE

Albany

Reynolds, June 6: “Mayor Humphrey directs physicians to report to him each day at noon any cases of cholera, as Henry Husthouse had died two days previous of that dread disease.” (Reynolds)

June 8: “Isaac Matson, from New York, stopping at Northern Hotel, dies of Cholera.”

June 9: “An emigrant dies of cholera.”

June 15: “Five deaths from cholera in past three days.”

June 26-30: “Cholera fatal cases were 2 on 26th, 1 on 27th, 3 on 28th, 2 on 29th, 5 on 30th; deaths by cholera during June number 22 out of 41 cases, a percentage of one in two, fatal.”

July 19: “Thirteen cases of cholera, six fatal.”

July 31: “Cholera cases during the month numbered 343 and deaths 125.”

August 3: “National day of fasting and prayer, following the President’s proclamation, because of cholera and plague; all stores closed.”

August 27: “Seventy-six cases of cholera in 48 hours reported ; 11 deaths…”

August 30: “Cholera cases during month numbered 348 ; causing 154 deaths…”

(Reynolds. Albany Chronicles. 1906, pp. 560-562.)

Buffalo, NY:

Wynne: “The first case of cholera reported by the Board of Health at Buffalo was that of a person on board of a steamboat from Chicago, and took place on the 30^th of May 1849. This patient was removed from the steamer to a hotel before the character of the disease was known; from the 30^th of May, when the disease began to disclose itself, to the 7^th of September, when it had finally subsided, 2,505 cases were reported to the Board of Health, and 858 deaths.” (Wynne 1852, p. 29.)

Professor Flint [?] in Wynne: “The second reported case also occurred on board a steamer, from Sandusky, the patient being en route from Cincinnati. This case was reported on June 1^st….

“June 4^th, the first indigenous case was reported by the Board. This case occurred n a part of the city distant about a mile and a half from the central street (Main Street), in a north-westerly direction (in the neighbourhood of the workhouse). The patient was a female, and the case could have had no possible connexion (moral or physical) with the cases that had previously occurred.

“The fourth case, on the 4^th of June, was on board a steamer from Chicago. The patient had been attacked with the disease before the vessel reached this port, and was quite or nearly convalescent on her arrival, so that she left town in two or three days on her journey eastward.

“The fifth case reported by the Board, was on the 8^th of June. This occurred in Norton-street, a street situated near the ship canal, connecting the creek or harbour with the Erie canal. This was the second indigenous case.

“On the 9^th of June, two cases occurred. The subjects were the wife and child of a respectable Irish mechanic, on his way from Brooklyn, L.I., westward.

“The eighth reported case was on the 11^th of June, and occurred at Younglove’s Tavern, on Seneca-street. This was the third indigenous case, and the place of its occurrence was in a part of the town opposite to that of either of the preceding cases originating in the city; nor had the patient been brought into contact with any of the patients previously affected with the disease.

“Seven other cases were reported on the same date (11^th). Of these, two occurred on board a canal boat; two in Peacock-street, situated near the canal; one in Bennet street, situated in the north-easterly part of the town, remotely distant from all the places in which the previous cases had occurred; one in Norton street, where one case had already occurred; and one in Court-street, considerably removed from the sites of the preceding cases.

“On the 14^th of June, seven cases were reported. Three of these occurred in Rock-street, a street situated near the canal, and of a character analogous to that of the Five Points in the city of New York. One case occurred in Mohawk-street, a street quite distant from any of the others in which the disease had existed. One case at the American Hotel, in the centre of the city; and in two cases the residences of the patients were not stated. These seven cases occurred between the 11^th and 14^th of June, the Board of Health holding sessions only on those days.

“…Between the 14^th and 20^th of June (the Board meeting again on the latter date), six cases had occurred….

“On the 25^th of June, five cases were reported….From…June 25^th, the epidemic continued in increase. The Board of Health held daily sessions, and issued daily bulletins, the number of cases steadily increasing from eek o week…up to July 24^th, when a larger number of cases were reported than on any other day during the existence of the epidemic. On that day the number of cases reported to the Board was 103, of deaths 32. From this date the prevalence of the disease decreased, the number of cases steadily and gradually diminishing on each week, up to September 7^th, when the Board ceased to issue their daily bulletins. Some cases have since occurred, and at the present time (September 29^th), the disease is not entirely extinct….[377]

“Although the disease manifested itself n almost every part of the town, yet it appeared to linger in is favourite bounds among the most insalubrious districts, and chiefly selected its victims from the poor and destitute. The labouring classes, and more particularly the foreigners among these classes, were those most frequently attacked….

“The whole number of deaths from cholera in 1849 was 858, or 1 in 46 to the native population.”

(Wynne 1852, pp. 29-31.)

Oct 4 report: “The cholera has left Buffalo, but during its visitation one thousand persons have died of it – a fortieth part of the whole population.” (Burlington Hawk-Eye, IA. “Cholera in Buffalo,” 10-4-1849, p. 1.)

New York City:

NYC Dept. of Health: “….once cholera cases began to appear in the city, the Board [of Health] was slow to recognize them, as cholera would interrupt the flow of commerce. The Board was ‘more afraid of merchants than of lying,’ one prominent resident, William Dunlap, wrote to a friend that year. During the 1849 epidemic, the Board tried to act, but faced hostility from landlords when it tried to set up a cholera hospital and had to use the second floor of a tavern and four public schools as a makeshift facility. The Board’s Sanatory [sic.] Committee managed to get the police to remove between five and six thousand hogs from crowded tenement areas – a measure thought to reduce disease – even after residents rioted in protest. The Board and City Inspector’s Office also shut the bone-boiling plants that disposed of animal carcasses, as these centrally-located businesses were considered a disease-causing nuisance. But this [end of p. 7] just meant that the carcasses were thrown into the river to rot near the docks.

“As wealthier residents fled to the country during the cholera epidemics, the disease was left to ravage the poor, mostly free blacks and Irish immigrants. Of the 5,017 who died during the 1849 epidemic, a full 40 percent had been born in Ireland.” (p. 9 {page 8 is a graphic}). (New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. Protecting Public Health in New York City: 200 Years of Leadership, 1805-2005.

Rosenberg: “Twenty-two days out of Harve, the packet ship New York dropped anchor at quarantine late Friday night, December 1, 1948. Early the next morning, New York’s deputy health officer rowed out to inspect the new arrival and her 331 steerage passengers. An alarmed captain greeted him with the report that seven immigrants had died below decks. Others were sick, exhibiting the unmistakable symptoms of cholera… (Rosenberg 1963, p. 101)

“Only the customs warehouses were large enough to accommodate so many people, and these were hurriedly converted into barrack-like hospital wards…, Before the New Year, sixty of immigrants had fallen ill; more than thirty had died. And over half of those originally quarantined had, as the health officer put it, ‘eloped,’ scaling the walls and making for New York or New Jersey in small boats. Within a week, cases began to appear in New York City itself, in the most crowded and dirty of the immigrant boardinghouses.” (Rosenberg 1963, p. 104)

“On May 15 a new outbreak began. “On May 16…the board [Public Health] established its first cholera hospital. It was the second floor of a tavern and ordinarily used for meetings and militia drills…Before the epidemic had run its course, four of the city’s public schools had been converted into makeshift hospitals…. The disease soon spread from the Five Points… (Rosenberg 1963, p. 108)

“By June, many New Yorkers had deserted their homes for the pure air of the countryside….( Rosenberg 1963, p. 109)

“In July, the case rate began steadily and abruptly to rise. A week after the Fourth, eighty-five new cases and thirty deaths were reported…. By the fourteenth of July, only one theater remained open. At least two dozen churches had, before the month ended, closed their doors as well. Though deaths increased, the city’s streets were still filthy, still patrolled by pigs and dogs. Garbage still encrusted cellars and yards. It seemed clear that the city fathers were either ignorant or incompetent….( Rosenberg 1963, p. 110)

“The city seemed unable even to bury its own dead. Bodies might lie for hours, in some cases for days, in the streets before they were started on their way to Potter’s Field. After being unloaded from the scows that brought them to the city cemetery on Randall’s Island, the dead were deposited in a wide trench some hundred yards in length, one body on top of another to within a foot or two of the surface…” (Rosenberg 1963, p. 113)

“…the epidemic increased. By the end of July, business had almost ceased…

“Fortunately, the disease declined rapidly. The Centre Street Cholera Hospital had been closed and Niblo’s Gardens reopened by the first of August.” (Rosenberg 1963, p. 114)

Wynne: “After the subsidence of the cholera at Staten Island in December 1848, no new cases occurred in New York until the 11^th of the following May. One of the medical men attached to the New York dispensary was called upon on that day to visit two patients at No. 20, Orange-street,[378] whose symptoms led to the belief that they were labouring under an attack of Asiatic cholera, under which disease they rapidly sunk, and died in the course of a few hours. These cases were followed by others of a similar character, which confirmed him in his belief of the nature of the disease, and induced him to communicate the fact to the Board of Health, who directed Dr. Buel to examine the disease and premises, and report the result of his observations to the Board…. [p. 35]

….At my first visit, on the 16^th of May, five human beings, one man and four women, lay upon the floor in different states of cholera. There was nothing under them but mud and filth, and nothing over them but a few rags of the filthiest condition. It is not easy to conceive of human beings reduced to a more abject condition….

They were lower than savages, because the latter would, at least, have the sky above them, and the pure air of heaven to breathe. They were actually lower than brutes.

These people constituted the second crop of cases. Those first attacked had died previously. Their death had been observed by a ‘wake,’ and extensive potations of villainous whiskey. The orgies were kept up during the whole night; and all those now sick, with a number of others, were assisting at this ‘wake.’ Indeed, the subsequent cases, for two or three days, were mainly those who were at the ‘wake.’

On the morning of the 17^th, two of the five mentioned died. The survivors, together with some new cases, in all seven, were removed to a temporary receptacle at 127 Anthony-street; four of the seven died before the 18^th. Those who survived, with some others, were transferred on the 18^th to the building afterwards known as Centre-street hospital.

On the 19^th, no new cases were admitted. On the morning of Sunday, the 20^th, two women were brought to the hospital from the ‘Old Brewery,’[379] situate about 100 yards west of 20 Orange-street….Both died in three or four hours after admission.

On the 21^st and 22d, five cases were brought in, all originating within 100 yards of the old locality. On the 23d, no new cases. Previous to the 24^th, it is not known that any cases had originated at any place distant more than 100 yards from the original locality.

In 14 days from the commencement, the pestilence had not extended itself beyond this distance, nor had it numbered more than about 20 victims; all of these, with two or three exceptions, were females of the lowest and most abandoned character, living in beastly filth and intemperance….

On the 24^th, a patient was brought in, found at the corner of Stanton and Clinton streets, in the 17^th ward (probably a mile), in a north-easterly direction from the original locality. During the subsequent week, ending with the 31^st May, the cases were still mostly confined to the old neighbourhood. On the 31^st, one patient was brought from Thames-street, half a mile in a south-westerly direction.

During the first seven days of June, the weather became warm, and the disease spread rapidly in all directions. Within this period 70 cases were received into the hospital, being double the whole number admitted during the whole previous time the hospital had been open. It had shown itself in First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventy, Eighth, Ninth, and Fourteenth wards, at least, and, perhaps, in some others. The number of patients admitted to Centre-street hospital was quite beyond its limited capacities, and it was crowded to a most uncomfortable and dangerous extent. The mortality during this period was greatly increased by this overcrowded condition, as is evident from the official report to the Board of Health. Subsequently, by the opening of William-street hospital, and of additional apartments in Centre-street hospital, the per-centage of deaths was greatly reduced.

At the end of the first week in June, or about 28 days from the appearance of the first case, the pestilence had become pretty extensively and generally diffused over the city. At the end of the third week in July, or about 72 days from its first appearance, it had arrived at its ‘culminating point.’ Its increase was very gradual, uniform, and progressive. Is decline was of a similar character, but more rapid than its increase.

“The maximum of weekly mortality in the city, viz. 1,,409 deaths, was reached on the 21^st July, 72 days from the appearance of the first case. On the 29^th September, 60 days from the period of greatest mortality, 132 days from the first case, it had fallen back to the mortality at the commencement.

There were in the city a number of particular localities, in which the pestilence raged with extraordinary malignity. These were in the neighborhood of the ‘Five Points,’ the lower part of Washington-street, in the First ward, the streets and avenues in the Sixteenth ward lying near the North river, and in the north-eastern section of the city, in the Seventy, Tenth, Eleventh, and Thirteenth wards.

This unusual malignity was produced in part by local causes, and in part by the character of the population. In the Sixth ward, occupied to a considerable extent by a filthy, degraded, and vicious population, and in which abound places similar in character to that described at the commencement of this paper, it can be no matter of surprise that the pestilence devoured hecatombs of victims. The section of the First ward where it raged most severely, was crowded with newly-arrived German emigrants, living in habits of personal and domestic filth, and fed upon insufficient and unwholesome diet.

In the Sixteenth ward the population was less crowded, but there were in operation local causes which sufficiently explain the mortality. Pits and pools of stagnant water abound. Numerous horse-killing and bone-boiling establishments send forth their putrid miasmatae [sic]. These, with glue, starch, and soap manufactories, produce a combination of villainous and disgusting odours, without a parallel. It is true that some of these horrible nuisances were for a time suppressed, but not until the pestilence had swept over the entire neighborhood with the besom of destruction.

In the north-eastern section of the city it is not known that any local causes existed, but the population was largely composed of German and other emigrants, whose habits of life, nature of diet, &c., eminently dispose them to become the victims of an epidemic.

Those portions of the city occupied by wide and airy streets, and inhabited by a population whose circumstances and habits of life, by reason of diet, ventilation, and cleanliness, are favourable to health, enjoyed almost a complete exemption from the ravages of the pestilence.” (Buel in Wynne 1852, p. 36-37.)

Wynne: “The Sanitary Committee of the Board of Health, accompanied by the mayor of the city and the medical council, consisting of Drs. John B. Beck (since deceased), Joseph W. Smith, and Samuel W. More, whose eminent medical ability was actively employed for the benefit of the city during the continuance of the epidemic, on the 21^st May visited the ‘Five Point’ region with the view of satisfying themselves concerning its actual condition, and thus speak of it in their report:

It is not the intention of the committee to describe what they witnessed.

To be appreciated the place must be seen. Suffice it to say that the exhibition of human degradation and wretchedness which presented itself was truly appalling. To those of the committee who visited it for the first time, it seemed almost impossible that such a state of things could exist in any portion of our city. If addition to what had been done previously, renewed orders were now given, and efficient measures adopted to purify the place.

The truth, however, cannot be concealed: the place itself is incapable of proper purification, and will continue to remain so until it is razed to the ground, filled up, and suitably rebuilt. To accomplish this will require Herculean energy; our city, however, is equal to anything, and the committee do not know of any subject to which its united interest and philanthropy could more legitimately and advantageously be directed.

“Erratic Course of Cholera. – From this point, which, so far as the closest investigation is enabled to determine, originated the disease; it travelled irregularly and apparently without any connexion over various other districts of the city. On the 24^th of May, it appeared in the Seventh ward; on the 28^th, in the Second. By the 31^st, it had extended to the First and Fourth wards. On the 4^th of June, cases occurred in the Eighth ward, and on the following day, in the Fourteenth, Seventeenth, and Eighteenth wards. On the 6^th it appeared in the Ninth; and on the 23d, in the Sixteenth ward.

“The intensity of the disease was not commensurate with its early appearance, for in the Sixteenth ward, which escaped for nearly one month, it prevailed with such virulence as to cause 778 deaths, which, in proportion to its population, suffered to a greater extent than any other portion of the city, except the fated Sixth.

“Poverty and Wretchedness of the Victims of Cholera. – The inhabitants of those parts of the town where the disease was most fatal, were universally poor and destitute; wretchedly clad, miserably fed, and worse lodged – with constitutions broken down by excessive intemperance, and too frequently by the most groveling debauchery.

“Table showing…Deaths by Cholera…1849, arranged according to the Places of Nativity.

United States 1,627 West Indies 9 Russia 3

Ireland 2,219 Sweden 8 Norway 3

Germany 583 Denmark 6 Belgium 2

England 247 Holland 6 Poland 2

Scotland 69 Switzerland 5 Spain 2

British America 39 Italy 4 Africa 1

France 23 Prussia 3 Unknown 194

Wales 13 Portugal 3 Total 5,071

(Wynne 1852, pp. 37-38.)

NYT: “The sick were sent to the [Marine] hospital…the well to large public stores where they were kept until the danger of contagion seemed passed. But although the municipal authorities thus early had warning of the plague at their doorway, nothing was done to put the city in good sanitary condition until the following May, when a burst of new cases showed that it was too late. Again the medical fraternity spring into the breach of municipal neglect. The first cases appeared in the Five Points, then a centre of crime, squalor, and disease. A large building…was turned into a hospital, and the poor victims removed thither.” (NYT, 16 Feb 1896.)

History.com: “Spring brought a substantial rise in the number of cholera victims….and many city residents, fearful of catching the disease, did not want a new hospital for cholera victims built near them. Finally, on May 16, the city’s Board of Health started a hospital on the second floor of a building on Orange Street above a tavern. Still, the death toll kept climbing, rising from 35 in May to nearly 800 in June. Soon, public school buildings were drafted into use as hospitals. It is estimated that 40 percent of the epidemic’s victims were Irish immigrants, although precise totals are impossible to know because wealthier people were often able to have death certificates altered to avoid the stigma of their loved ones having died of cholera.” (History.com. This Day in History, Disaster, May 16, 1849, NYC…”)

NYT: “An auxiliary committee of physicians now acted in concert with the Health Board. It is worthy of note that they early made the announcement that the disease was not contagious, but produced through an abnormal condition of the atmosphere. It may well be doubted that this was so. A second address, proclaiming that cleanliness was of the first importance, seems to have been far more judicious.

“Among many other radical steps taken by the commission was the seizure of the public-school buildings and their conversion into hospitals. There was much opposition on the part of the Board of Education, but in the end the step was assented to under the plea that ‘public safety is the supreme law.’ In contradistinction to such a broadly humane measure was the spirit of professional intolerance, which displayed itself in the refusal to permit a cholera hospital to be organized for the treatment of patients according to the homeopathic school. The alleged reason therefore was that the ‘Sanitary Committee felt it to be their duty of have nothing to do with medicine, except as they found it embodied in what is understood and known both to the public as well as physicians as the regular profession’.” (NYT, “Epidemics of NY,” Feb 16, 1896)

History.com: “Vast numbers of people fled the city that summer as the death toll climbed above 2,500 by the end of July. The disposal of bodies became a serious problem. A mass grave was established on Randall’s Island, in the East River east of Manhattan; any person with a horse was expected to assist with the carrying of dead bodies.” (History.com. This Day in History, May 16, 1849)

NYT: “More than 5,000 persons were the victims of the cholera season of 1849. The pestilence abated, but only as a monster may withdraw glutted to his lair. As a curious proof of the constant apprehension of its return, it may be stated that about this time leases contained a provision for the reduction of rent in the event of the depression of business consequent on a cholera visitation.” (New York Times, “Epidemics of New-York,” Feb 16, 1896)

Sandusky Clarion, Nov 6: “The sanitary committee of the board of health in the city of New York, have made their report, from which it appears that the duration of the disease (with the exception of a few isolated cases introduced into the city from emigrant vessels) was from May 10^th to Oct. 1^st – making a total of one hundred and forty-three days….

“They established five hospitals in different parts of the city; but these proving insufficient, they suggested the propriety of appropriating the public school edifices, when needed, for hospitals. The friends of education made strenuous opposition, and got up public meetings against the measure; but the committee determined that every thing should give way to the public good, and such public schools as were deemed necessary, were successfully occupied as cholera hospitals.

“The deaths during the prevalence of the cholera, were…cholera asphyxia, 5,017; cholera infantum, 961; cholera morbus, 226…” (Sandusky Clarion (OH). “Cholera in New York in 1849.” November 6, 1849, p. 2.)

OHIO

Amsterdam

“The Asiatic cholera epidemic spread across the country and arrived in Auglaize County in June of 1849. Many children were orphaned with no one to care for them. It was reported in Minster that the deaths were so rapid that bodies, in crude coffins, were gathered twice each day and taken to the cemetery for burial without benefit of mourning or religious ceremonies.

“A simple sign, such as a piece of white cloth hung on the front door, indicated the presence of another victim or victims. The deceased were buried four tiers deep in two trenches, each seven feet wide. The collected coffins were buried twice a week by Joseph Bussing, a man who lived three miles west of Minster, with the aid of a Mr. Rumping and two other helpers. Theodore Dickman, who was a lad at that time, recalled counting 27 lamp-black coffins stacked among the hazel bushes at the cemetery waiting for burial.

“Of all the pestilential diseases, cholera is perhaps the most awe-inspiring. It may run so rapid a course that a man in good health at daybreak might be dead and buried by nightfall.

“The fear of cholera saw the beginning of sanitary awakening in Europe and this country and led to the development of public health programs in the world. The disease is characterized by profuse diarrhea, vomiting, muscle cramps, dehydration and collapse. It is contracted by the ingestion of water or food contaminated by the feces of cholera victims, but since the bacteria remains with a majority of patients for two weeks or less, there is rarely a vector or carrier in the usual sense.

“Contamination may be caused by cockroaches or houseflies who have feasted on the feces of patients, or an infected person with unwashed hands may handle food to be consumed by others. Sewage-contaminated water supplies, however, have been the major cause of serious epidemics….

“Amsterdam was located between Minster and New Bremen on the Piqua and St. Marys Road (now Ohio 66). The original plat was 20 acres, which lay on both sides of the proposed Miami and Erie Canal and crossed the Piqua and St. Marys Road approximately a quarter of a mile….

“Stories from the past indicate Amsterdam died with the cholera epidemic in the summer of 1849 and the town was soon forgotten. The only remaining evidence of Amsterdam today is Amsterdam Road, which was North Street in the original plat….

“Hearsay has it that the town of Amsterdam was created as a ‘buffer zone’ between the Catholics of Minster and the Protestants of New Bremen, who brought their religious feuds from the old country.” (Gilbert, Katy (Bering). “Amsterdam – A Cholera Ghost Town.” The Evening Leader, St. Mary’s, OH. 10-16-1999.)

Cincinnati, OH

Brady: “A pestilence known as Asiatic cholera raged in Cincinnati in mid-April, killing about 6,000 people – one in every fourteen city residents. In tenements crowded with newly arrived immigrants from Ireland and Germany, one in four died. The disease was believed to have begun with the arrival of a steamboat from New Orleans on Christmas Day, 1848. A sick passenger, taken to the hospital here, later died from what was believed to be cholera. More cholera cases on the waterfront were reported after this one. Inland, the first case was a 7-year-old girl who died shortly after she was examined by a doctor. Her little brother died twelve hours later. The panic quickly spread and terror-stricken people groped for all kinds of cures – some dousing themselves with black pepper, salt and vinegar, some smelling vials of camphor every fifteen minutes.” (Brady. “Historic Disasters.” Cincinnati Magazine, 1982. p. 104.)

Carroll: “During the year 1848, the people of Cincinnati, in common with those of the county in general, began to anticipate an invasion of the Asiatic Cholera, as it was known to have again left the banks of the Ganges, to have wended its way westward, and to have actually passed the sandy deserts, as well as the mountain ranges of he old world…. [p.1]

“….We were admonished…by its visitation in 1832, and still more by our unceasing intercourse with New Orleans; this intercourse bringing to our city a continuous stream of emigrants, who, we had reason to know, would arrive laboring under the disease, or so charged with its poison that a week or two would develop it in their persons. Accordingly, as early as the 25^th of December, patients laboring under Cholera arrived at our landing and were hurried through our midst to the Commercial Hospital. The decks of many steamboats on the waters of the Mississippi became charnel houses at an early period. Deaths occurred on boats both on their ascent and descent. Hundreds died and found graves in the sand, whose names were never after told; still the intercourse had by our citizens with the river population satisfied them that severe mortality was recurring constantly on that great avenue of commerce.

“From January 1^st, 1849 until the close of the Cholera season in September, bu few days elapsed without the occurrence of cases in Cincinnati. Even before it had arrived here by the boats, not a few declared that they felt the epidemic influence. The author of this paper knows one physician who seemed to take the Cholera by telegraph, and he, with a few others, were meeting with frequent cases throughout the winter. The quacks, too, had a faculty of meeting with many cases, and their success in the treatment of the pestilence was beyond all former example. Their friends, indeed, seemed to have but little fear of the monster, as the skill of the Eclectic and Homeopath promised certain relief, without the danger of mercury. But, alas! The time arrived when the fell destroyer set at defiance all their boasting and all their specifics.

“During the winter, and, up to May, 1849, it was not the writer’s fortune to meet with a case of Cholera, although he had, during December, an unusual amount of professional [end of p.2] business, which continued until January 10^th. After this date the health of the city was unusually good, as evinced not only by the bills of mortality, but by the public as well as private practice of physicians. It is, however, true that there were occasionally cases of Diarrhoea during this period, such as we occasionally meet with during the winter and spring. Yet, so far as general health was concerned, there seemed no cause for alarm, at least to the anti-contagionists; but to the few who considered the malignant Cholera as a transmissible disease, there was much to be apprehended calculated to excite their fears and to admonish them of the storm that lowered in the horizon. They knew that about 14 cases had been sent from the river which had arrived between the 25^th of December and the 10^th of January, and they knew that, at least, 7 or 8 cases had occurred in the city and hospital, amongst those who had been exposed to the influences of the river population, or to the cases direct from the Steamboats.

“After the 10^th of January the disease still lingered, for there were still 7 or 8 cases under treatment at the Commercial Hospital. On the 12^th, two more cases were reported from the hospital, and on the 13^th these two cases were reported as dead. On this day another case was reported from the river, and on the 15^th an old case at the hospital succumbed. As no new case had occurred from the 13^th up to the 17^th, it was on this day determined by the Board of Health to report no more cases, which determination was religiously adhered to until the 10^th of May. Why the Board took this course, no one knows. We presume, however, that the force of public opinion, or what they thought to be public opinion, swayed their judgment.

“The above will show that cases of Cholera were occasionally brought into the city, and that a few had occurred amongst the inmates of the hospital and the citizens. During this period, a number of corpses had been taken to their friends in different parts of town. These had succumbed on their way from New Orleans. From the 17^th of January until the 10^th of May, little more was heard of the disease, although occasional cases had occurred during that period, and had even become frequent in the south-western part of the town. On the 10^th of May, Judge Brough suddenly died of Cholera. His death, combined with his position in society, had the effect to produce general alarm and consternation amongst the citizens of both town and county. New cases [end of p.3] after this were marked with more care, though certainly not with accuracy. The Board of Health seemed to awaken from their hibernation, and actually reported 75 deaths between this time and the 15^th of June. The fallacy of this report will be seen by and by.

“By the 15^th of June, the pestilence had gained a firm footing; indeed death seemed to stare every one in the face during the succeeding 36 days. The alarm, however, appeared to subside as the mortality increased. Excitement gave way to resignation in the good, and to thoughtlessness in the bad. Many drowned fears in the intoxicating bowl, while others, indeed a large number, ran after all kinds of specifics, with the hope of averting by their use the impending blow. During the period under consideration, the Board of Health reported, from the 16^th of June to the 16^th of July, 3618 deaths, from all diseases. Of these, 2475 died of Cholera; but this does not, in the writers opinion, reach the actual number of deaths from the epidemic, by many hundreds. The week ending July 9^th had the severest mortality – there having died in that time, from all diseases, 1022.

“By the first of July we had, by constant observation and inquiry, ascertained that the pestilence had reached every part of the city. In the north and north-ease, it was then raging with fearful violence; while, in the south-west, it had in some degree subsided. A knowledge of these facts led me to the conclusion, that the force of the malady would be spent in a very few weeks, and we stated to many that by the 20^th or the 25^th of July the epidemic would have, in a great measure run its course, In accordance with our anxious hopes, the bill of mortality had, on the 20th, dwindled down to 32 deaths from Cholera; and, on the 30^th, but nine fatal cases were reported.

“On the 6^th of August, the Board of health determined to meet thereafter but three times per week. On that day but 6 deaths were reported as having been caused by Cholera, although there had been 12 deaths reported on the preceding day. No doubt many of these cases occurring near the close of the epidemic, were amongst the transient population. Indeed, we heard of a number of deaths occurring amongst county people who had come to see their friends, after all thought of danger was over. Still, however, a few more cases took place amongst our citizens, until the middle of September – that of the lamented Prof. Harrison being one of these. After this time there were very few instances of [end of p.4] the disease; but dysentery, small pox with varioloid, continued their course. The former had prevailed to a greater or less extent, from the time of the first invasion of Cholera in June, or earlier. Now, however, it became more frequent and probably more intense in its character, and only disappeared on the approach of winter….

“….Had all the citizens of Cincinnati been natives of the United States, or of America, the mortality which we suffered would probably have been diminished by one half. At least one third of our whole population are foreigners. Of these, the greater portion are German and Irish; the former, for the most part, in his humblest relation with civilization; the latter in his lowest degradation. The remaining portion are English, Scotch, Welch, with some French, and a few from other nations. There is, however, a considerable number of foreigners who have been in more favorable circumstances as to education, &c., in their native countries. These must be left our of consideration of speaking of the more humble, whose modes of living are peculiarly unfavorable for the prevention of pestilential maladies.

“The poor foreigner possesses not only filthy habits in his mode of living, but has a peculiar inclination to avoid ventilation in his dwelling. This is especially the case with the [end of p.5] German; for even the better educated and refined of that class have a horror of free ventilation. The German physician, even, seems to fear currents of fresh air….So far as my observation went, it was a common occurrence amongst the Germans for the windows and doors of the chamber of the Cholera patient to be closed so soon as the disease made its appearance, even when the mercury stood above 90° Fahr. Heavy bedclothes, and sometimes a fire in the room, contributed their part to these scenes of horror. Why do I say scenes of horror? Because few after such management ever escaped alive….

“The want of sufficient house room was still another cause of the spread of the epidemic. The poor foreigners sometimes occupied houses containing six to twelve rooms, with a family in each, some of whom not unfrequently kept boarders. The Cholera visited many of these crowded localities with fearful mortality, often carrying off from a fourth to a half of the inmates in a short space of time. I know of one house in the north-eastern portion of the city, where 28 fatal cases occurred – 16 of these succumbing in a single night…. [p.6]

“The emigrants who arrived at our wharves during ’49 and ’50, generally came from the decks of steamboats. These decks were then, as now, the common receptacle of all kinds of filthy and degraded people. Here they ate and slept amidst filth and heat, both from without and within. When one of them sickened with the Cholera, his situation made his fate nearly certain. He vomited and purged on his humble bed; he died, and his wife and children lay on the same couch after his demise. They, in their turn, were attacked by the withering blast of the pestilence, and their places were filled by others. Thus 10, 20, 30, or 40 sometimes died on a single boat between New Orleans and Cincinnati. The survivors arrived at our landing, some laboring under Cholera in its incipient form, some in the second stage, or on the point of, if not in profound collapse. These were hurried through the streets of the city to the Commercial Hospital, or to some of the institutions for the relief of the sick in those years, where not a few of them sunk into the arms of death soon after their arrival. Others again were carried to different parts of the city to find a resting place amongst their friends. Here they died or recovered, but in either event it was not uncommon for those who had ministered to their wants to be themselves attacked, at an early period, with the same malady.

“We proceed next to speak of the city in reference to its localities, municipal regulations, &c., as constituting causes of the spread of the pestilence and its great mortality…. [p.7]

“We will first glance at that part of the city that lies on the lower terrace, and which has connected with it not a few sources of malaria. That portion of this terrace extending from its western limits in the city and up to Freeman street, a distance of 80 or a 100 rods, and which contained, in 1849 a few hundred inhabitants, was visited by the Cholera in that year at only a few points….The actual number of deaths in ’49 was 32…This mortality, it is presumed, amounted to not more than 1 in 15, and occurred almost exclusively amongst foreigners.

“In that portion of this terrace lying between the foot of Fifth street and Main, a distance of about three-fourths of a mile, we find the basin of the White Water Canal, and some remains of the ancient swamps that have not yet given [end of p.8] way to the march of improvement. The water of the canal is at this point horribly stagnant, and here too we find remitting and intermitting fevers. For the distance of half a dozen squares below Main, the population is quite dense and of a mixed character, though containing probably a predominance of the foreign ingredient – the people being pretty comfortably situated. Below this, and nearer the basin referred to, the population is poor, and much of it in an immoral and wretched condition. Along the immediate base of the second terrace, there is, however, greater respectability and density of population. The portion lying nearest the river has, as yet a comparatively sparse population. Now it was in this region that Cholera did considerable of its work both in ’49 and ’50; the far greater part, however, in the former year. As an instance of the mortality, it may be stated that on Third street, between Smith and Stone, comprising a population of from three to four hundred, there were, in ’49, thirty-seven deaths. On the upper side of Third street above Park, the ground rises ten or twelve feet above the pavement for the distance of three or four hundred feet. The buildings on this side are set back from ten to twenty feet from the street, and have a most retired aspect. During ’49 there was but one case in these houses, and that was of an infant, and doubtful in its character. On the other side of the street, the ground is low, and is within 80 or 90 feet of the canal. Here there were many cases, as there were also below Park, on either side – both sides of the street at this point being on a level. In this locality along Third, and in that between the canal and the river, very few escaped without symptoms of the epidemic. On Front, within a very short space, there were 33 deaths. This section is in the immediate vicinity of the Gas works, and has a most debased population; yet the mortality was no greater, if as great here, as between it and the canal. Indeed this latter region may be considered as amongst the worst, as regards the mortality in ’49….

“Following the lower terrace from Main to the mouth of Deer Creek, a distance of five or six squares, the malady appeared in ’49 with greater or less violence, the mortality being very great at some particular points. In the neighborhood of Lower Market it was considerable – indeed, in some houses it is thought to have been quite severe. But the severity greatly increased in the vicinity of Deer Creek, [end of p. 9] from the upper side of Front to the foot of the second terrace. In one dwelling here, as early as May, four out of six died. This, we believe, occurred before the death of Judge Brough. In a very small space, immediately in the vicinity of Deer Creek, and on Congress street, fifteen died in two or three houses. Front street crosses Deer Creek, and runs up the river to the corporation line. The lower point of Mount Adams presses here closely on the river, and continues to do so for a mile or more. On the lower side of Front the ground descends rapidly to the river, and on the upper ascends towards Mount Adams. On the side next the river there are not many dwellings, but a number of factories; but on the upper side the population is, for a considerable distance, quite dense. On this side of the street, in a population of probably four or five hundred, there were about one hundred deaths; that is, one in four or five of the whole population. This was in ’49. On the lower side, on the contrary, there were, above the railroad depot, no deaths; and below it, but one. It is a matter worthy of being recorded, that in the whole distance from the mouth of Mill Creek to Fulton – a distance of near three miles – there were, in the houses opening immediately upon the river, very few deaths, and nearly all of those that did occur were amongst those who were landed from boats, laboring under the disease….

“We proceed to consider the severity of the epidemic along the immediate valley of Deer Creek, and in the portion of the city lying east of it….The rivulet which bears the name Deer Creek, emerges from a gorge of the hills in the north east and con- [end of p.10] -stitutes the extreme eastern boundary of the second or upper terrace of the city. On the east is Mount Adams, which rises rapidly for several hundred feet….The very narrow valley through which the stream runs, is constantly filled with an incalculable amount of filth. Slaughter houses abound here, and, during the great swine-killing season, the rivulet is constantly dyed with blood. During dry weather, the stream ceases to flow, and accumulations take place which putrefy and send their exhalations by the winds against the declivity of Mount Adams, and in other directions….In 1849…not only did the inhabitants of the valley suffer most severely, but the malady extended to the very summit of Mount Adams. Thirteen patients died in a very small space on the hill-side near the summit. Near the base of the hill, and a few squares from the river, is a narrow street, not more than two or three hundred feet long called Dublin street. This street is badly built, and peopled by Irish laborers. Here there were, in a population of two or three hundred, twenty-four fatal cases between the first of May and the first of June. From a little above this point until the city ceases to extend along this valley, there is a population of a few hundred inhabitants, and here there were not less than forty fatal cases of Cholera in ’49.

“We pass on to speak of the more central and refined portion of the city. This district may be said to lie principally upon the upper or diluvial terrace, is more exposed to the free circulation of the atmosphere, is more cleanly, the houses larger and better adapted for ventilation. The citizens are here more wealthy, mix less with the masses, and are more American in all their habits. Yet within this space there are at least two market places; and around these there is much crowding and considerable filth common to such localities. In these places there were many cases of Cholera. This was especially the case on Fifth St., for some five or six squares west of Main, though the mortality here was not equal to that of some places we have pointed out. Within this space, however, was one house, two and a half stories high, in which resided a great number of families, occupying one or two apartments each, making in all about one hundred [end of p.11] inmates. On the first of June, ’49, the two upper stories – or rather story and half story – alone, contained near seventy persons. Of these, 24 died within three months. Now this house was, and has ever since been, occupied principally by Germans, and was, of course, kept in a closely confined, and, it is believed, filthy condition. It is worthy of notice, that in the first story, although considerably crowded, not a single death occurred. The persons occupying this floor were, however, entirely disconnected from those above; were, I believe, most of them of a different religious faith, and more cleanly in their mode of living. There were very few cases in the immediate vicinity of this house in ’49… On Main St., between Sixth and Seventh, there were, in ’49, 17 deaths from Cholera…

“We will now take a view of those districts less connected with business, and equally far removed from intercourse with the multitude. On Fourth St., for example, which is more than a mile long, there were, in ’49, not more than 14 deaths; and in ’50 but two or three. On Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth Sts., where the population is of a mixed character, there was the same exemption from the epidemic; indeed, we are inclined to think the mortality, in the more retired portion of these streets, was even less than on Fourth. On Third, which has a less wealthy and more business-like population, and which lies on the declivity between the upper and lower terrace, the mortality was much greater.

“Leaving the more favored sections, we come to that part of the upper terrace lying between the base of the hills on the north, and Tenth St. on the south. This extensive region is a little lower than the preceding, is traversed by the Miami Canal, and has on its northern border one or two small rivulets that drain it of the waters coming down from the hills. Much of the population of this district is German, and in many places it is densely crowded; a condition of things owing, in part, to the spirit of speculation, and in part to a willingness on the part of the city authorities to gratify the taste of that class of people who seem to rejoice in nothing more than crowded, confined, and badly ventilated localities. In the south-east quarter of this district, and near the canal, [end of p.12] is Abigail St., narrow and closely crowded. It extends through two squares only, and is, therefore, from six to eight hundred feet in length. On its eastern half, I found there were, in ’49, not less than 50 fatal cases; on the western extremity about 30, of which eight or ten occurred in one house. The population here was principally German; many of the residents were draymen, who were daily connected with the river business. Keeping still east of Main St. we hind a heavy mortality north of Abigail, which seemed to increase in the immediate vicinity of the river hills. It a single house, as has been mentioned, 28 persons fell victims to the disease. Of these, 16 died in one night. These were all Germans – the house much crowded and the street narrow. This condition of things holds good for some distance around this point, yet in 1850 this quarter was almost exempt from the pestilence….But the epidemic did not in this quarter either, confine itself to the low grounds of the city. As in the case of Mount dams, it ascended the hills on the north; being limited in this ascent, however, to the two great avenues of intercourse with the city – the extension of Sycamore street to Mr. Auburn, and that of Vine to a village a mile from the city. At the point where the former begins to ascend the hill, and for some distance in that direction, there is, on the west side, a considerable population. Here the pestilence was dreadful; and, continuing its ascent, a number of persons on the highest point of the hill were attacked. One family enjoying all the comforts of life – at least all that money could buy – suffered severely. There were, I think, in this family, six persons, all on the alert. They dieted according to the Graham system, they prepared themselves with Homoeopathic powders and pills, they made use of Hydropathic preventives; but with all these were unsafe, for they mixed daily with the city population. One became ill. He swallowed his sugar powders, his quack was called, but alas! He died. The quack himself sickened and died from a neglected Diarrhoea. All of the family, with a single exception, met with a similar fate. Even their female doctor, who knew as much about quackery as any of them, also fell a victim. The fate of this devoted family teaches an [end of p.13] impressive lesson, and as such we commend it to the contemplation of all living quacks, as well as to the serious consideration of the more wise and discerning. The village at the end of Vine St. Avenue, of which we have spoken, has a population essentially German in character; and, as usual with Germans, in ’49 had many fatal cases.

“In speaking of Vine St. Hill, we have gone westward a distance of three squares, and still find ourselves in the midst of a population whose sufferings, at leas in ’49, were severe in the extreme. Near the base of this hill is a large Catholic Church, with a most extensive congregation. This congregation, we are informed, lost, in ’49, more than thirteen hundred of its members – truly a most awful mortality. West of this locality the epidemic extended, still being rather worse near the hills bounding the city in that direction than farther south. Yet this was not always the case, for many points in the southern portion of this section suffered severely. At the corner of Walnut and Twelfth there is a small German tavern, where six persons died between midnight and noon of the following day. On Walnut, between this tavern and the next corner above, ten more died within the succeeding fifteen days. On the opposite side of the street, there were but two deaths. Directly west of this locality, and close within the angle made by the Miami Canal, there is a short street, about three hundred feet in length, called Grant. Here were seventeen deaths. In a large house on Elm, immediately above the corner of Grant, nine more succumbed; making in all twenty-six deaths within a very narrow space, thinly populated. On Fourteenth St., next above, in a comparatively small house, there were fourteen deaths, not more than two or three of the residents escaping. Within this space, bounded by Grant and Fourteenth, and by Elm and the Canal, is the Cincinnati Orphan Asylum; yet in it, notwithstanding the great mortality around it, there were, in ’49, but two fatal cases of Cholera….[380]

“Extending our investigations farther west, we come to the Commercial Hospital. There was here, of course, much of the pestilence, and a considerable amount in the immediate neighborhood. Still farther west, and in an unfrequented part of the city, was the heaviest mortality that anywhere occurred. This was on Rittenhouse St., running from Catherine to Clarke, a distance of two short squares. In ’49 this street was but partially settled, the population amounting to [end of p. 14] about two hundred and fifty. The inhabitants were mostly Germans, and a considerable number were draymen and wagoners. The street was unpaved, and there was some stagnant water in the immediate vicinity. Now in this little, out-of-the-way place, there were, in ’49, sixty-one deaths from Cholera. On Clarke St., directly opposite to the termination of Rittenhouse, there were eight more, making, in all, sixty-nine deaths in a population of not more than three hundred.

“It may be proper to say that it was very common for persons living in basements to suffer from the disease during both years. In one of these, ‘in ’49, as many as nine deaths occurred within a day or two…. [p.15]

“It will be seen, hereafter, that the published reports of mortality are not to be relied upon; so that when we state that quackery was the cause of not less than two thousand deaths, it must be borne in mind that not much less than six thousand died of cholera during ’49…. [p.18]

“In the consideration of quackery as the cause of a great mortality, we come very naturally, as closely connected therewith, to the means adopted by the city authorities for the purpose of mitigating the violence of the epidemic – measures which it was supposed, at one time, would be successful in warding off a visitation of the disease, but which had certainly little effect of that kind, if indeed they did not aggravate the evil.

“On the 8^th of December, 1848, the Board of Health reported to the City Council on the subject of the expected invasion, making some suggestions as to the proper course to be pursued, and requesting that power be given them to enforce the cleansing of the city, and to establish hospitals if they should be needed. This report closed with the singular remark that ‘Cholera, it is encouraging to know, is no longer considered contagious.’

“Before another meeting of the Council, the news of the arrival of Cholera both at Staten Island and New Orleans, had been received, and had occasioned, as has been said, considerable alarm. Yet, notwithstanding the arrival of two suspicious cases on the 25^th of December, and their death on the following day, the Board of Health reported that the pestilence was not yet upon us, though they still urged the Council to take action in the matter. One thousand dollars had been appropriated to aid the Board in making the necessary sanitary regulations – a small sum truly, if we take into account the magnitude of the work to be done. On the 27^th an ordinance supplementary to one enacted in ’32 gave to the Board the power to establish hospitals and adopt other measures for the prevention of disease, but prohibited them from establishing quarantine! Soon after this, the Board rented an old frame house on Fourth St., in the very midst of the city, [end of p.19] for a Cholera Hospital.[381] This house was small, and badly ventilated. But little more was done during the winter. Physicians were required by ordinance to report all their cases to the Board; a requisition, as we shall see, not generally complied with.

“On January 2^nd, seven cases of Cholera were reported. Of these, four were from a steamer direct from New Orleans; three originated in the Commercial Hospital, and one case was taken from the Wetzell, five days from Wheeling, and laying at our wharf two days before the occurrence of this case. The cases from New Orleans died soon after admission; the others lingered, but one or more died in a short time. The case from the Wetzell proved fatal in seven hours. The Board, in their report of this date, state that they ‘do not see, in the occurrence of a few cases of Cholera originating here, any cause for apprehension or anxiety, or any reason o suppose that the dreaded pestilence is upon us as an epidemic at this time, or, indeed, that it will be.’ This was, no doubt, written with strict regard to the truth; for the disease was, certainly, not then upon us as an epidemic, nor for months afterwards; and probably, at no time during the prevalence of the disease, could it be called an epidemic, I the ordinary acceptation of that term; for, unlike ordinary epidemics, the disease crept over the town rather slowly. When preying upon the vitals of one district, it had generally either subsided or not made its appearance in other portions of the city.

“On the 20^th of January, the Board reported that there had been about twenty fatal cases in the city and that one third of these had originated here. On the twelfth, the Health Officers were directed to employ the sextons of the different burying grounds to report daily the number of interments from that disease, as well as those from Small Pox. On the 17^th, as before stated, the Board determined to make no more reports, very few cases having occurred since the 12^th.

“On the 3^rd of May, the Board met again, and to this meeting sixteen cases were reported as having occurred since the last report on the 17^th of January; seven of these were from the city, and three were received into the Commercial Hospital. Of the number of fatal cases we are not informed. On the 10^th the reports of the Board were resumed, twenty-four deaths having occurred the day before. A. M. Johnston, M.D., was appointed physician to the Cholera Hospital on Fourth St., and regular reports were again requested from the physicians of the city. Here, as it seems to us, that [end of p.20] honorable body committed a great error; empirics[382] as well as physicians were allowed to report. It should have been obvious to that body that this permission would at once lead to difficulty and confusion. Physicians were not likely to comply with an order which placed them on a level with men whose knowledge of the disease was too limited to diagnose a case of Cholera correctly. It should have been considered by the authorities that quacks are either knaves or fools, and, therefore, not fit subjects from whom to elicit truth. Even keepers of coffee-houses were required to report the number of cases occurring in them; but they, too, refused to obey the mandate. A quack was sued for not reporting his cases, to the no small gratification of the people, who now began to manifest a disposition to take the direction of sanitary affairs out of the hands of the doctors, having seen enough in the newspapers to convince them that they were the proper persons to grapple successfully with the enemy.

“On the 15^th of May the Board devised a new method of ascertaining the number of deaths. This was the appointment of an agent, who was to know daily the number of interments in each graveyard; but this plan failed on account of the unwillingness of sextons to report to this agent the true number of interments. In one instance, where the authorities reported only forty as occurring on one day in two cemeteries, he found, by inquiry at a gate through which the funerals were forced to pass, that the actual number was sixty-four.

“At this time, Prof. Drake was appointed consulting physician to the Cholera Hospital on Fourth St. It now seemed probable that this establishment would be conducted in a manner creditable to the city, and advantageous to the unfortunate inmates. But alas! The hope was a delusive one, for the excitement in favor of empirics now ran mountain high. The incessant bloviations of these ignorant pretenders had greatly increased their popularity as Cholera doctors. The opinions of physicians were little sought after by the masses, and a majority of the City Council evidently thought themselves more capable than the most learned physicians of judging what would avert the impending blow. Now the Council had much in their power; the indigent sick being forced to submit to their dictation, whether for weal or for woe. Occupying, in their own eyes at least, an eminence from which they could dispense blessings and give new impulse to the recent wonderful improvements in medical [end of p.21] science, this body, on the 24^th of May, decreed that the old Board was no longer a Board of Health, and that another should be constituted, more congenial with the progress of the age, and with the wants of the people. The medical profession was to have nothing to do with this new organization. Its members were to be taken from the ranks of the masses, the principal qualification required being a belief in quackery, and a disposition to go for radical reform in the management of this new disease, which had hitherto proved so fatal, but which, as the result of the measures now to be adopted, was to be averted into a harmless brush sweeping away only the weak, the intemperate, and those who would not swallow Homoeopathic powders, or small a camphor vial once in fifteen minutes, for the cure of profound collapse. Or, in case of the failure of such powerful means of cure, the milder remedies of the steam doctor, in the shape of Number Six [a talcum powder], black pepper, salt and vinegar, or the tincture of Xanthoxylum[383] were to prove wonderfully efficacious.

“The new Board was eminently fitted, both by education and intellect, to carry out these views of the City Council. Among its elements were one lawyer, one editor, one dealer in spirits, one preacher, and one mechanic. The majority were in favor of quackery, and, of course, soon made a clean sweep of the medical attendants at the cholera hospital. Dr. Drake was no longer to consult with the resident physician, who was himself forced to give place to an eclectic empiric, who had recently been a preacher, bu, having broken down in that line, had become a swaggering quack doctor. One, and the most sensible, act of the Board, was the appointment of S. H. Smith, M.D., as Health Officer, a gentleman well qualified for the place, who did much by which we gain an insight into the system of humbug pursued by the authorities. Dr. S. kept a record of the fatal cases at the cholera hospital, and of the number admitted and discharged. It is to be regretted, however, that one or two points of some importance are not clearly set forth in his report, as, for instance, the kind of patients received, and the actual number affected by cholera. Probably delicacy on the part of the Health Officer, prevented these distinctions from being made. Enough has leaked out to justify the conclusion, that patients were admitted as laboring under cholera, whose diseases were of a very different character; indeed, it has been confidently stated that more than one drunken man found his way there, and was treated for cholera. [end of p.22]

“The empirics complained much of the authorities who had the control of the Commercial Hospital, as well as of the poor in general, for sending them patients dangerously ill, instead of taking them to the last named institution. The trustees of the Commercial Hospital, finding it was not the object of the establishment on Fourth street to receive cholera cases as they might come, but on the contrary to take such only as might be selected with a view to curability, avoided, as much as possible, sending them patients at all. After contending in this manner for some time with the officers of the poor, the individuals in control of the cholera hospital fell upon a most happy expedient for getting rid of collapsed patients. This was the establishment, by the Board of Health, of another cholera hospital, over which Dr. C. H. Raymond, a regular and accomplished physician, was, on the 13^th of July, appointed superintendent.

“The cunning that prompted the establishment of this new hospital was at once made manifest; for on the very first day six patients were received, all of whom were in profound collapse at the time of admission. Of these, two died in four hours, and at the end of ten hours all had succumbed. Twenty other cases of cholera were admitted, of which ten died, making in all sixteen fatal cases, all of which were collapsed when admitted. Of those cases not collapsed, there was no death. Twenty patients were admitted who did not labor under cholera; of these but seven died. Now it is somewhat singular that, while there were received into this establishment twenty patients who, in the opinion of Dr. Raymond, did not have cholera, every one of those received into the Fourth street Hospital were, according to the reports, affected by the epidemic. It may thus be seen how easy a matter it is for the dishonest to deceive those who will not carefully investigate for the purpose of knowing the truth.

“On the 11^th of July, two members of the Board of Health reported to that body that there had been a cholera hospital established in the First Ward, in which one death had occurred. This was the only notice taken of this most benevolent institution, put into operation by the wealthy citizens of that ward, aided by the humane of all classes. This hospital had its origin in the simple desire to do justice to the sick, on the part of the citizens of the First Ward, to whom it was apparent that the miserable establishment on Fourth street was inadequate to the wants of the city, and that it was under the direction of ignorant or knavish quacks, whose [end of p.23] object was the advancement of quackery rather than the care of the sick or an honest report of their success….The First Ward Hospital was fitted up out of a carpenter shop, with additions. The location was a fine one, the ventilation superior, the nursing good, and the medical attendance excellent. Two medical gentlemen who had a year or two before retired from the practice of their profession, volunteered their services as consulting physicians, and Dr. Caroland was appointed house physician. All these gentlemen performed their duties with fidelity and skill. Let us examine now into the success of this establishment in the mitigation and cure of cholera, as compared with that of the hospital on Fourth street. At the former there was no sending away of patients, no selecting – all had admittance, without regard to the intensity of the disease. Yet of he fifty-six patients admitted into the establishment, but fourteen, or one in four, died; while the hospital on Fourth street, notwithstanding the establishment of Dr. Raymond’s hospital for the reception of their collapsed cases, and notwithstanding the fact that probably not more than one half or two thirds of their cases were laboring under Asiatic cholera, had a mortality of a little less than one in 2.5.

“…let us compare the mortality at this establishment with that at the Commercial Hospital….notwithstanding…the fact that all cases applying for admission were received, there were, out of 144 actual cases of cholera in this institution, but fifty-six deaths, or a little less than one in 2.5, the mortality being no greater than that in the Fourth street Hospital, where every kind of dishonesty was practiced for the purpose of showing a large per cent of cures. So much for medical reform under the patronage of the Board of Health. [end of p. 24]

“The pest-house was also used for the admission of cholera patients. The cases received here were those occurring amongst the colored population. We are, however, unable to speak of the mortality at that point.

“During all this time no steps were taken by the Board for the prevention of public processions or of crowded assemblies. Indeed, it seemed never to have entered into the heads of the new Board that any such regulation was necessary; or, if necessary, that the sovereign people, whose pleasure seemed to be their sole object, would submit to it. And yet, judging from what we observed, we have no doubt that a large majority of our citizens would have given their consent to the closing of all places of public resort excepting churches, and that the clergy, if requested, would have given up evening meetings. The Board, however, did not think it worth while to made the attempt. The common schools were not closed till some time after the invasion of the pestilence, and in consequence children were more than once carried home from school in a dying condition. The Catholic population, in particular, continued to attend church and to comply with all the rites of their religion with th same punctuality, and even increased devotion, during both these years. For some time after the onset of the disease in ’49, their dead were constantly taken to the churches, and the usual ceremonies of their faith performed; and it was only after the fearful mortality of June, when the Catholic population had been so much exposed to the poison of the malady as greatly to have contributed to the spread of the disease, that the custom was given up.

“….Next after the Catholic the Protestant German population suffered most; and next after these, the Welch congregations; at least I think this was the case. Then came the various Protestants recently from Europe, and after them possibly a Methodist church. After these came, in the orders in which they are named, the Universalists, Presbyterians, Swedenborgians and Unitarians. This last society, it is thought, suffered but little. [end of p.25.]

“A marked exemption from Cholera was found in the Society of Friends [of which the author was a member], as there was not in that body, during the whole of ’49 a single fatal case….

“…we may form some idea of the amount of disease and death resulting from another omission of the Board. We mean the almost total neglect of the condition of privies and other places equally loathsome. The White Water Canal for instance, as well as Deer Creek Valley, though in a condition demanding sanitary regulation, received no attention, and the stagnant water in various portions of the town but very little.

“We are unable to see, too, why the Board did not, a the very outset, establish a cholera hospital at some convenient point below or above the city. All the sick arriving in steamboats might have been transported there immediately without entering the city at all, instead of being carried through the densest part of the city, a distance of one or two miles, to the Cholera or Commercial Hospitals or to the Pest House. We think, too, that the reader will agree with us that patients on the verge of collapse, or actually in that stage of the disease, would have had their comfort and chances of recovery much increased if conveyed to such a hospital in row boats properly sheltered, instead of being forced to ride a distance of one or two miles, in a sitting posture, subjected to the horrible jolting of the drays, carts, and wagons, in which they were generally conveyed. Bot so determinedly were the members of the Board of Health opposed to a belief in the contagion of Cholera, and to all prudence that looked toward saving the city from a severe visitation, that all remonstrances against the admission of such cases to the city were useless. The individuals who composed the Board of ’49 were [end of p. 26] continued in office during 1850, and, we believe up to the present time….

“A stranger from Pittsburg arrived in this city, and spent the night her. On the following day, or within a day or two, he left the city, and arrived at nightfall at the house of a relative, some thirty miles distant. During the night he became [end of p.34] ill of Cholera and, within a short period, died. The family consisted of nine persons, of whom, within three days after the death of their visitor, all, excepting one old lady, had died of Cholera. Several of those who aided in performing the last duties of humanity to the deceased, also sickened and died. The house in which the first cases occurred was eventually burned for the purpose of arresting the disease in that locality…. [p.37]

From “treatment” section: “We were always careful, of course, in giving drinks, to prevent, as far as possible, the occurrence of vomiting. The recumbent posture, and the utmost quiet that could be obtained, were insisted upon.” [p.51]

“…a departure was made from our ordinary course of treatment. A girl, eight years old, of delicate constitution, had been much fatigued by severe labor, exposure to the rays of the sun, and close watching, for some days, by her sick mother. During the time, her mother inquired if she had not diarrhoea. Contrary to her usual habit of speaking the exact truth, she evaded the question. It was afterwards discovered that she had been laboring under diarrhoea for three days before the occurrence of the second stage….There were no cramps, nor was there much restlessness; but there was great debility and sighing, with a suspension of urine. This case occurred on the 13^th of June. We had read the warm recommendations of sugar of lead[384] in the treatment of cholera, by Graves, Drake, and others, and had determined to give it a trial. We accordingly prescribed a grain of calomel and one of sugar of lead, with a fourth of a grain of opium, every thirty minutes.[385] Turpentine was applied to the abdomen, and sinapisms to the epigastrium. Collapse did not occur for the first sixteen hours after we had seen her. The medicine was continued regularly through the night. She still voided rice water discharges, but these were not frequent. She vomited within an hour from the time of the first of these discharges, and continued to do so throughout the day and night. In the morning, twenty-four hours after the first visit, we found her collapsed. She was then vomiting brown matter, which she had done the evening before. She died at 10 A.M. that day…. [p.57]

“In…[another] patient, a sober American, with a powerful physical frame, there was a laboring pulse, with profuse but not cold sweat, and severe cramps of the abdomen and extremities. We could not avoid recognizing the case as one of cholera, notwithstanding there was neither vomiting nor purging. It occurred to us that if we gave opium, without accompanying it be depletion in this case, coma would almost certainly result. He was therefore bled freely from the arm, which relieved the cramps in a great measure before the bleeding was stopped. Sinapisms[386] were now applied and calomel, with moderate doses of morphine, was given. On the ensuing day, mild purgatives were given, and operated well, leaving the patient in a convalescent condition….[p.70]

“Dysentery. During the prevalence of cholera, both in 1849 and 1850, and for weeks after the subsidence of that malady, dysentery prevailed as an epidemic. This was especially the case in the latter year. Many cases of incipient cholera terminated in dysentery, and occasionally the second stage exploded into it….The more copious evacuations proved to us, that its origin was, either remotely or directly related to that of cholera.

“In the treatment, e, in general, pursued the same course that long experience and attentive observation had taught us was most successful. If we found, when called to a patient that he would bear blood-letting, we bled from the arm freely; and if the tormina[387] and tenesmus,[388] with much tenderness of the abdomen, continued or occurred after the general bleeding, leeches or cups were directed. From a half to a dozen or two of the former, and six or eight of the latter were applied…. [p.71] (Carroll, Thos., M.D. Observations on the Asiatic Cholera, As It Appeared In Cincinnati in 1849-50 (reprinted from the Western Lancet for June, 1854).)

Carter: “An unpublished paper by Theodore W. Eversole[389] examines the cholera epidemics of 1832 and, especially, 1849 in Cincinnati. Similarly to Rosenberg’s findings that New York failed to institute lasting public health reforms in either 1832 or 1849, Eversole concludes that ‘the Cholera epidemics of 1832 and 1849 produced little change in either public attitudes, civic responsibility, or in the general public health program of Cincinnati.’ In contrast, John Duffy holds that Pittsburgh, Wheeling, and Charleston implemented enduring sanitary improvements following the cholera outbreaks in the 1830s and 1840s.[390] [p.32] ….

“…On New Year’s day, 1849, [end of p.38] the Daily Gazette reported, ‘In view of the anticipated arrival of steam vessels from New Orleans, freighted with cases of malignant Cholera full meetings of the Board of Health and of the Health Committee of the Council, were held yesterday morning, (Sunday,) at 9 o’clock in the Council Chamber . . . .’ The meeting resulted in agreement to hold daily meetings of the members of the Board of Health and the Street Commissioners.

“Unhappy with Council’s seeming indifference to these areas of the city which ‘resembled pig sties,’ some citizens believed municipal government ‘had abdicated its responsibilities.’ Louis Wright, the Gazette’s editor, termed Cincinnati ‘the dirtiest city of its size in the Union.’ The officials were the problem, for ‘No love of cleanliness . . . no desire for the health of the people, no fear of cholera . . . , no regard for the wishes of the citizens or of the press, exerts any influence upon the City Council, to take measures to have the city purified.’ Ultimately, Council reacted, but, only within the limits set by charter….although New York, for example, moved to eliminate pigs from the city’s center, Cincinnati did not.[391]…. [p.39]

“Cincinnatians’ response to the cholera epidemics of 1832 and 1849 fell into a pattern. The newspapers conveyed a sense of mounting tension as they tracked outbreaks in European, then American, cities. City officials and physicians rejected the evidence until the pestilence was among them. Then, fear and hysteria reigned as the death lists lengthened; joyful optimism, ever encouraged by the business community, abounded as they declined….

“Not all citizens, however, stood by either complacent or simply talking. A few took action. In 1849 most upper class residents viewed the poor immigrant neighborhoods, virtually non-existent at the time of the earlier epidemic, as a breeding ground for cholera. Determined Cincinnatians, already displeased with Germans’ obdurate separateness in retaining their own language, schools, churches, and newspapers, self-organized and marched into the quarters of protesting German householders to clean them up.

“Unfortunately, not even the citizens’ organized clean up operations, much less all the hand-wringing conversations, translated into actions directed at permanent public health improvements. When the disease returned in 1850, 1851, 1852, 1853, 1866, and 1873 Cincinnatians, at least partially, had to blame themselves. At each epidemic’s passing survivors eagerly turned back to everyday activities, often, for elites, the pursuit of pleasure or wealth. After cholera’s retreat in 1849, civic leaders sought to free ‘the city of the social evils and to convert the city’s non-American inhabitants into Americans.’ Some believed ‘foreign emigration’ combined with ‘the late epidemic’ had increased both ‘pauperism and poverty.’ Recognition of the city as a social system came slowly, but it had begun. Although little lasting action was taken in 1849, the Council and leading residents gradually acknowledged the need for aid to the poor….[p.44]

“Cincinnatians’ attitudes, both public and private, in the aftermath of the cholera epidemics, reflected complacency, distrust of different ethnic groups and classes, and, commonly, materialism. There is little evidence to indicate that private citizens noticed or understood the implications of their collective inertia and self-centeredness. Explanations are not readily apparent, but it seems probable that Cincinnati’s nearly equal division at mid-nineteenth century into native born and foreign born exacerbated the inability of civic leaders to focus on common goals. Lacking cohesive positive leadership in public health and economic initiatives, Cincinnati in 1849 seemed poised to loose ‘Queen City’ status.” [p.46] (Carter, Ruth C. “Cincinnatians and Cholera: Attitudes Toward the Epidemics of 1832 and 1849.” Queen City Heritage, Vol. 50, No. 3. Fall 1992, pp. 32-48.)

Eclectic Medical Society of Cincinnati on Cholera:

“….It is a well known fact that a terrible mortality has attended the progress of Cholera around he globe, and that many of the most distinguished physicians regard it as a disease over which medicine has but little controlling power; and from which we cannon expect more than one half of those who are seriously attacked to recover. So firmly convinced, indeed, are the members of the Allopathic medical profession, of the fatality of Cholera, that there has arisen even a stubborn skepticism as to the possibility of any method of treatment being attended with much success.

“While the most distinguished authors and medical teachers of the old school profession have thus yielded to the ravages of the pestilence, and acknowledged their inability to shield society from its devastations, a very large and respectable portion of the medical profession, having become dissatisfied with so inefficient a course, have adopted other, and as they conceive, far better methods of treatment, with the most satisfactory results.

“The leading feature of the new system which has originated in America, is that it labors to preserve the vital forces of the constitution unimpaired – that it introduces a considerable number of important remedies, the value of which is not known by the members of the old school profession, and that it discards as pernicious and unscientific, the mercurializing, blood-letting practice, and the whole course of harsh, poisonous medication, which has heretofore constituted the opprobrium of medicine.

“This American system of practice, which has been taught for near a quarter of a century, in one or more medical colleges, is called Eclectic, because it discards all bigotry, and aims to select liberally from any and every source, all valuable improvements in therapeutic science. Several medical colleges have been chartered with the object of teaching the Eclectic practice; and the Eclectic Medical Institute of this city, already outranks in numbers, thirty-three of thirty-seven old school medical colleges in the United States. In the medical profession, the Eclectic principles are propagated by their scientific truth and accuracy, as well as practical success and the [end of p.32] progress of every hear brings the whole profession nearer to the platform of Eclecticism.

“The relative merit of the old and new systems must be determined by an intelligent community, not by the endless discussion of medical theories, but by the observation of facts – by an impartial trial of each system, and a comparison of results, to ascertain which system has been productive of the most beneficial effects for society, which has stood the test in the hour of peril, and which has most effectually rolled back the tide of disease and death….

“In adopting our present system of practice, we are guided by the knowledge of its superior results. We are not blindly following the authority of teachers, but are prosecuting a benevolent reform in medical science…

“The comparative merit of the Eclectic Reform and of the un-reformed system of Allopathy, can be determined only by estimating impartially the number of deaths which occur under similar circumstances, in the practice of the two classes of physicians, and the number of those whose constitutions remain permanently injured after undergoing medical treatment.

“The best filed for this comparison is in the treatment of Cholera….

“From a dispassionate investigation of facts, we are compelled to come to the conclusion, that the average mortality of Cholera under old school treatment, has been at least one-half of all the cases treated. In coming to this conclusion, we estimate both the best and the worst results of Allopathic treatment. We cheerfully admit that many of the medical profession have been led by their own good sense and innate humanity, to adopt more judicious plans of treatment than are generally pursued and regarded as [end of p.33] orthodox (and therefore have attained better results), but on the other hand we have observed in so many cases a bigoted adherence to unsuccessful methods of practice – we hear of so many instances here, and elsewhere in the United States, as well as in other countries, in which the physician has lost four-fifths or nine-truths of all his Cholera patients, that we are compelled to believe our estimate of fifty per cent, as the average mortality, to be entirely just. The reports of seven hospitals of Paris, up to the 5^th of May, 1849, exhibit 1356 Cholera cases, of which 844 died, and 512 recovered, being a mortality of 62 per cent.

“The reports of Allopathic physicians of Cincinnati to the Board of Health, in the month of May (when the disease was in its mildest form – when not more than one case in a hundred presented very dangerous symptoms, and when some of the Faculty even denied that a Cholera epidemic existed), exhibit out of 432 cases treated by them, one hundred and sixteen deaths, or a mortality of 26 per cent. The mortality of the succeeding month, it is well known, was more than twice as great with all classes of practitioners, and if the profession had not refused to report their cases for those months (thus evading a fair issue), we can have but little doubt they would have exhibited, during the most malignant period, a mortality of fifty, sixty, or seventy per cent.

“Hospital Practice. – The city Cholera Hospital, established by the Board of Health of Cincinnati, and placed under the care of Dr. J. H. Jordan, an Eclectic physician, has received from June 6^th to August 6^th, 254 patients – of these 24 were in articulo mortis[392] when admitted, and died, on an average, in less than n hour; five died of narcotism[393] from drugs taken previous to admission; three died of delirium tremens;[394] thirteen died of various other diseases; and four of those which recovered were not regarded as strictly Cholera cases. The remaining cases, amounting to 205, were Cholera cases, which underwent treatment; of which 49 died, being a little less than twenty-four per cent (23.9). One hundred and fifty-six were discharged cured, of whom twenty had been in a state of pulseless collapse when admitted. These results are highly gratifying, when we reflect that this Hospital bore the brunt of the epidemic, and received a large number of the worst cases in the most advanced stages of the disease.

“Private Practice. – During the months of May, June and July, the Eclectic practitioners of Cincinnati have treated more than 1500 cases of Cholera, characterized by severe and decided symptoms, such as vomiting, spasms, rice-water discharges, alarming depression of the vital powers, and great diminution or suspension of the force of the circulation. The mortality of these cases was as follows: in May, 330 cases and five deaths; in June and July 1173 cases and 60 deaths, presenting an aggregate average mortality of about four and a third per cent.

“In arriving at this result, we have been influenced by the consideration, that a very small mortality in Cholera, is almost incredible to those who have witnessed the results of old school practice alone, and consequently have adopted the liberal rule of including in our mortality all cases for which the physician was in any way responsible – even those who died in consequence of disobeying directions – those who had been given up to die by previous medical attendants, and those who ere so near death when the physician arrived as not to justify any hope whatever of recovery. Notwithstanding a considerable number of such cases, and a large number of cases of pulseless collapse, the aggregate mortality has been scarcely four and a third per cent, which is less than half the average mortality of patients from all classes of ordinary disease in the public Hospitals of Europe; and less than one-tenth of the average mortality of Cholera patients in private old school practice, according to Dr. Watson.

“The entire truthfulness of the foregoing statements, we are willing to submit to the most rigid scrutiny, giving the names, residences, &c., of those who have been patients. The names of the physicians from whom these reports have been derived are as follows, and although from professional employments, illness and other causes, we have been unable to comprise the whole Eclectic practice of this city, it gives a fair view of its usual results.

“Drs. Morrow and Hunt, 397 cases, 15 deaths; Drs. R. S. and O. E. Newton, 115 cases, 4 deaths; Dr. Israel Wilson, 204 cases, 7 deaths; Dr. B. L. Hill, 42 cases, no deaths; Dr. J. Borton, 265 cases, two deaths; Dr. P. K. Wombaugh, 89 cases, 11 deaths; Dr. T. J. Wright, 70 cases, 3 deaths; Dr. J. Garretson, 42 cases, 4 deaths; Dr. A. Brown, 98 cases, 3 deaths; Drs. King and Main, 56 cases, 7 deaths; Dr. D. P. Stille, thirteen cases, one death; Dr. T. Donaldson, 42 cases, 7 deaths; Dr. S. H. Chase, forty cases, no deaths; Dr. J. Dalbey, thirty cases, one death. Total – 1503 cases, sixty-five deaths. Mortality, 4.32 per cent, or one death to twenty-three cases.

“In addition to the above, a large number of cases of choleroid disease (commonly called cholerine), have been treated without any mortality, and a still larger number of epidemic dysentery, in which the mortality was very trivial. Had these cases been included in our reports, the sum total, it is believed, would have exceeded three thousand cases, and the aggregate mortality would have been between two and three per cent. But, as these diseases which attended the Cholera epidemic, were regarded by Eclectic practitioners as by no means formidable or dangerous, but few kept any record of such cases.

“In the light of these facts, we may ask who is responsible for more than three thousand deaths by Cholera which have occurred in Cincinnati from the 10^th of May to the 10^th of August? Who is responsible too, for the great number of miserably salivated patients whom we now observe, and for the great number who died narcotized by opium, or who perished by other diseases, superinduced by medical treatment?

“If new and successful methods of practice were received with any courtesy by the leaders of the old school party we should be reluctant to publish these comparisons. Bu neither courtesy nor justice has ever been extended to Eclectic practitioners by their well organized opponents, for many years past. The remarkable success of the Eclectic non-mercurial treatment in Cholera, has given rise to the most desperate efforts to diminish the effect of facts, which in this case are too public to be denied or refuted. So long as these efforts were confined to coarse abuse, or vulgar epithets, we deemed them unworthy of notice. When combined efforts were made to exclude from society, to degrade and ruin every independent practitioner, we relied upon the intelligence of our fellow citizens, certain [end of p. 36] that no conspiracy of interested individuals could long defeat the truth. But when a special charge – a gross slander has been concocted, and so industriously circulated every where so as to gain credence extensively, amongst intelligent men, justice to ourselves, and to the truth, requires that we should promptly correct and refute the misstatement. The story has been extensively circulated here, and throughout the West, that the success of the Eclectic practitioners in Cholera, was owing to the fact that they had changed their views of medicine, and that whenever they met with a bad case, they resorted to the use of calomel.

“If such had been the case it might have been asked, how could Eclectics, the old opponents of calomel, have learned to use that drug with ten times as successful effects, as its most infatuated devotees? Such skill would be marvelous indeed.

“We have traced these ridiculous stories to their origin and find that they appear to have been originated by a few old school practitioners. But however they may have originated, we now, in the name and by the authority of every Eclectic practitioner of Cincinnati, pronounce the whole story to be a base fabrication, originating we believe in improper motives, and brought into circulation by professional jealousy.

“So far from changing our views, we have gained additional confidence in the vast superiority of the Eclectic or non-mercurial treatment in all cases; and we have observed that a considerable portion of the Eclectic treatment has been adopted by the most successful old school practitioners; while some have gone so far as entirely to renounce calomel, and the lancet [for blood-letting], in the treatment of this disease, and been rewarded for their change by signal success. Nor can we doubt that in due time, the whole medical profession will adopt these views, and regard the treatment of Cholera by mercurial purging and bleeding, as gross quackery.

“In making these remarks, we design to cast no imputation upon those who conscientiously follow their teachers in the mercurial practice, from the lack of knowledge of a better system, but do repel with the utmost scorn, the insolence of whose who, from interested motives, labor to [end of p. 37] deceive the public – who knowingly circulate slanders, and who neither investigate fairly, nor tolerate freedom of opinion in others.

“At the same time we cheerfully extend professional courtesy to all classes of physicians – to all who respect the rights of others – and we hope that ultimately a spirit of Eclectic liberality will restore to harmony, and elevate to an honorable position the now dishonored and discordant medical profession.

R. Buchanan,
R. Jordan,
S. Newton,
King,
H. Chase.

Committee of Eclectic Medical Society.”

“Eclectic Medical Society of Cincinnati on Cholera.” Pp. 31-38 in: Roberts, Joel. Cholera of 1849, and the Opinions of Medical and Other Professional Gentlemen… Sandusky City, OH: W. S. Mills & Co., Printers, 1850. Accessed at Ohio Memory, Ohio Historical Society, 3-21-2015: https://server16007.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/p267401coll36&CISOPTR=4048&REC=1 )

“Cincinnati, August 9, 1849.

“The undersigned hereby declare that in our whole practice of the medical profession, we have never administered or recommended calomel, or any other mercurial preparation, either internally or externally, and that we regard the use of such remedies as opposed to the dictates of science and humanity.

J. Wright, M.D. Wm. Owens, M.D. Edwin A. Lodge, M.D.
Garretson, M.D. Thos. Donaldson, M.D. J. S. Milot, M.D.
H. Chase, M.D. D. P. Stille, M.D. A. Brown, M.D.
E. Newton, M.D. James G. Hunt, M.D.

“I hereby declare that in the practice of medicine for many years past, in every variety of disease, I have never used calomel or any other mercurial medicine.” (P. 38 in: Roberts, Joel. Cholera of 1849, and the Opinions of Medical and Other Professional Gentlemen… Sandusky City, OH: W. S. Mills & Co., Printers, 1850. Accessed at Ohio Memory, Ohio Historical Society, 3-21-2015: https://server16007.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/p267401coll36&CISOPTR=4048&REC=1 )

Eversole: “….the epidemic of 1849 was the most severe bout with the disease encountered in Cincinnati history…. For this reason the history of the 1849 epidemic provides interesting insights into the city’s response and adaptability in the face of crisis. Obviously, the state of medical science could provide little comfort in meeting the threat of this disease. The cause of the disease, the vibrio cholera or comma-bacillus, was not isolated until 1883; and it was not until 1854 that Dr. John Snow of London discovered its source of communication through contaminated water supplies. Nevertheless, Cincinnati’s struggle with the disease in 1849 furnishes one with an important and largely untold episode in both the urban and medical history of the city…. [p.21]

“The city had laws to cope with the situation. However, the city’s governing bodies simply chose not to enforce them be it for basic cost or for other reasons of self interest. Though the Board of Health met only occasionally, nevertheless, the Board had, according to the City Ordinances, ‘power, whenever they may deem it necessary, for the security of the city, to take the most prompt and efficient measures to prevent the introduction of contagious, malignant, dangerous and infectious diseases into said city.’[395]….

“The available evidence seems to indicate that the Cholera had little effect on creating a climate that was conducive for public health reform nor did it foster reform in any of the other areas of municipal concern. The poor died in large numbers, but the city fathers were apparently not overly disturbed by such a situation. Even in the case of private welfare institutions, the community’s record is bleak. Such groups as the Young Men’s Bible Society, at least in their fourteenth annual report, make no mention of any Cholera relief work such as the delivery of Bibles to survivors….Perhaps the only concrete action reflecting social awareness to be found was in the form of calling for a day of fasting and prayer…the 3^rd of July…. [p. 26]

“…steam packets continued from April until August to enter and leave the city. Concerts and circuses were still held…Further indication of the city’s willingness to maintain its ‘business as usual’ attitude, was seen in the 117 hotel arrivals who took their rooms on July 6, 1849. This week has been described as the most severe week of the epidemic.

“….Neither a feeling of empathy for the poor and immigrants, nor one of panic was expressed by

the city at large. In addition, there were no significant changes in the city’s political or social behavior which one could adequately attribute to the presence of Cholera alone.

“In conclusion, the case of Cincinnati’s Cholera epidemic of 1849, produced little in the way of public health [end of p.28] reform and only the most rudimentary precautions were taken in terms of prevention. In fact, it was only after the later epidemics that any noticeable change in public health facilities was observed….” [p.30] (Eversole, Theodore W. “The Cincinnati Cholera Epidemic of 1849.” Queen City Heritage, Vol. 41, Fall 1983, pp. 21-30.)

Greve: “The Cholera of 1849.

“In 1849 the terrible scourge, cholera, returned and devastated the city to a much greater extent than ever before. In September, 1849, the Board of Health of the city reported the deaths for four months preceding September 1st as 6,459, of which 4,114 were from cholera. Mr. Mansfield estimates the deaths from the middle of April to the middle of October as 7,000, of which 4,600 were from cholera. The mortality for the year was about 8,500, which counting the population as 116,000, was one in 14. He further estimates that the deaths among the Germans and Irish were almost fourfold the number of deaths among the Americans. Of the 4,114 above mentioned, 2,896 were Germans, Irish and Hebrews, while but 1,218 represented the other nationalities who formed 6o per cent of the population.

“During the prevalence of this pestilence, a deep gloom and solemn fear pervaded the city. Many plans and suggestions were made to mitigate the disease. The greatest mortality was in the hot month of July, yet great fires were made in some streets, with the idea of driving off the poison ; but the disease went on with its fearful fatality, and the ‘long funerals blackened all the way.’ (Mansfield’s Memories, pp. 258-261.)

(Greve. Centennial History of Cincinnati and Representative Citizens, Vol. 1. 1904, p. 721.)

Mendenhall in Wynne: “The first case of cholera occurred on the 27^th of December 1848. The patient was taken on board of a steam-boat which ran between Madison, Indiana, and New Orleans, with vomiting and purging, and was brought in a very debilitated state to the Commercial hospital. This man had not lately been at New Orleans. A few cases were received into the hospital from the boats during the ensuing two months, but the disease did not spread, although a few cases occurred in the house, and an occasional one on the side of the river, near the wharves, but which were not traced with accuracy…. [page 22]

Dr. Wynne writes: “Dr. Mendenhall was called on the 13^th of April to see a case of cholera remote from the river, and about 1 ¼ mile from the regular landing. The patient was a child six or seven years old, whose father…had bought at one of the wharves a barrel of partly decayed apples, of which his children had partaken plentifully. This child died in about 10 hours. The next day a second child of the same family was attacked, and died in 12 hours; and in two days afterwards a third one was seized with symptoms of cholera-morbus, which yielded to treatment, and the child appeared to be recovering, when it was suddenly seized with aggravated symptoms, and did in 14 hours….

“On the day of the occurrence of the second of Dr. Mendenhall’s cases he was invited to see a case which had occurred in the practice of a friend. The patient, who was a poor Irishman, lived about three fourths of a mile from the cases just noticed, and further from the river. He had no knowledge of them, and had not in any manner been exposed. Cases were reported from this date as having occurred in various parts of the city, and the disease slowly increased until the early part of May, when it again subsided until the 10^th of June. It then renewed its attack with increased violence, and continued unabated until the 15^th of July, after which date it gradually declined until the following year….” (Wynne, James, M.D. Report on Epidemic Cholera… 1852, pp. 22-23; Wynne writes that he is inserting information provided by a Dr. Mendenhall, not otherwise described, though probably a reference to Dr. George Mendenhall of Cincinnati.)

Mitchell: “Two scientific papers described the second epidemic [1849 cholera]; one was a report read by Dr. George Mendenhall at the annual meeting of the American Medical Association at Charleston, S. C., in May 1851, and published in their Transactions; the other was by Dr. Thomas Carroll, published in the Western Lancet, beginning with the June Number, 1854. He writes:

As early as December 25, 1848, patients laboring under cholera arrived at out landing and were hurried through our midst to our Commercial Hospital. The decks of many steamboats on the Mississippi became Charnel Houses at an early Period.

“From December 25^th to January 10^th, fourteen cases came from the river, and there were seven or eight in the city. There were few deaths up to May 10^th, when Judge Brough, a prominent citizen, died of cholera, producing general alarm and consternation. Seventy-Five died between this date and June 15^th. ‘Death seemed to stare everyone in the face for the next thirty-six days.’ In one family out of eight attacked, six died within ten or twelve days. In a comparatively small house there were fourteen deaths. In a small district in the region of Clark and Rittenhouse Streets, sixty-nine died in a population of three hundred. The crest of the wave was reached in July, there being on the 4^th, one hundred and thirty deaths, and on the 5^th, one hundred and thirty-seven. From May 1^st to August 30^th there were four thousand one hundred and fourteen deaths from cholera – the total deaths from all diseases for the whole period being six thousand four hundred and fifty-nine. (Mendenhall.) The total number of deaths for the whole period of 1849 was estimated at six thousand, for 1850 twelve to fifteen hundred. (Carroll). The population was estimated at this time at about one hundred thousand.

“During this epidemic a fierce war raged between the ‘regulars’ and the ‘irregulars.’ Even the lay press was involved. ‘Often the alarm of the moment was the occasion of patients being thrown into the hands of Quacks’ (Carroll). ‘In no place probably did quackery of every kind luxuriate for a time to the same extent a here.’ Pamphlets were published by each side and widely distributed. Drs. Pulte and Ehrman published a bulletin claiming for the homeopaths the treatment of one thousand one hundred and sixteen patients (sixty to seventy of whom were in deep collapse when communing under treatment) with only thirty-five deaths. Dr. Latta, editor of the Methodist Expositor, after having carried on the dispute for some time in his journal, issued a bulletin in which he claimed to show gross misrepresentation in the above report. There was severe criticism of he Board of Health and of the management of the hospitals. On the 24^th of May, the old Board of Health was displaced by a new one composed of one lawyer, one editor, one dealer in spirits and one mechanic; a fair sample of many Boards that followed.

“Considering the treatment given in those days, it is not strange that patients dreaded the treatment as much as the disease, and were easily induced to try less drastic measures, especially when the promises of cure were so great.

“The treatment employed at the cholera hospital is described by Dr. Mendenhall as follows: calomel[396] in half drachm [dram] doses with three grains of camphor[397] given three to five times only; a cataplasm of mustard applied over the abdomen as long as the patient could endure it [produces heat], when emplastrum cantharides was substituted; cramps relieved by friction with flannel wrung out of oil of turpentine; warmth restored to extremities by putting lump of lime in a stone pot, water poured over the lime and the pot placed between the patient’s feet which were enveloped in a blanket. In the most severe cases, in addition to the calomel, unguentum hydrargyri[398] was applied externally ‘in the usual manner;’ opium given guardedly. This does not differ greatly from the treatment of 1832; though bleeding is less frequently mentioned in 1849-1850…Dr. Drake’s dose of calomel was 20-60 grains and was always ‘required.’ The homeopath gave camphor in smaller doses, but it was so often repeated that the patient got a full amount in twenty-four hours. The Eclectic Medical Journal (February, 1849) advises opium, cordial stimulants, perspirations induced by external heat, mild warm diluent drinks given freely….” (Mitchell, E. W., M.D. “History of Epidemics in Cincinnati.” University of Cincinnati Medical Bulletin, Vol. 1, No. 1, November 1920, pp. 11-12 out of 10-18.)

Niles, Jan 8 report: “At the same date [Jan 8] several cases of Cholera had occurred at Cincinnati…” (Niles’ National Register, Philadelphia, V.75, N.1929, 1-17-1849, p. 33.)

Ohio History Central: “The worst epidemic to affect Ohio occurred in 1849. Eight thousand people in Cincinnati died in this epidemic, including Harriet Beecher Stowe’s infant son. Many Cincinnati residents fled the city and ended up in Mt. Pleasant, a community that escaped the illness. The town residents soon changed its name to Mt. Healthy in honor of its good fortune. In Columbus, 116 inmates at the Ohio Penitentiary succumbed to the illness.” (Ohio History Central. “Cholera Epidemics.” Ohio History Central: An Online Encyclopedia of Ohio History.)

Dayton

Burba: “`They died like flies!’ It’s an expression as old as the hills themselves; an expression that has been used from time immemorial to describe violent or wide-spread epidemics of disease. From the earliest scourge of Biblical days, down through the yellow fever peril of the ‘eighties to the influenza epidemic during and immediately following the World War, our only means of describing the violence of such catastrophes has been to declare that ‘they died like flies.’

“Figuratively, the expression covers the vast cholera plague which swept the whole of the United States in 1849. Insofar as it affected the city of Dayton, historians mention it but briefly. A half-dozen lines are devoted to the statement that quite a few deaths were recorded here, though excitement was intense. The truth of the matter is that for a period of six weeks residents of Dayton in 1849 were swept away by cholera a the rate of eight, 10 and 15 a day. And that rate was maintained not only for a single week but for more than an entire month….

“To fully understand what a scourge of any kind meant 82 years ago we must try to visualize a little settlement of but a few thousand souls, without a railroad, without a yard of street paving, without a sewage system, without a hospital, without an ambulance, without a board of health, without quarantine regulations, without vaccine serums of any sort, without a trained nurse and with not many more practicing physicians than could be counted on the fingers of two hands.

“In wet weather the streets of the town were little more than miniature seas of mud. There was no adequate drainage system, and the site of homes and business houses now high and dry in even the most violent rainstorm were in those days but little removed from swamps. We have come a long way in the matter of prevention and cure since at the opening of the year 1849 reports began to reach Dayton of the fast spreading scourge over the southern states….

“First reports of a cholera epidemic sifted in from New Orleans. Belated mail messages brought news of its spread to Memphis and on up the Mississippi river to St. Louis. Late in January news from the east carried occasional reference to cholera deaths in New York city. Like a prairie fire, creeping slowly, seizing upon new fuel as it constantly extended its onward march, it crept to Pittsburgh and leaping across the Ohio river spread terror to settlements east of Columbus.

“It was not, however, until along in May that Daytonians became aware that if they were to escape the plague it would be nothing short of a miracle. Deaths from the disease were reported in Springfield, and then it seemed that, almost over night, it had the city of Cincinnati within its grasp. On May 15 copies of a Cincinnati paper reaching Dayton told of the sudden death of Judge C. H. Brough, of that place. He was one of the best known men in his section of the state, and his passing was a signal warning that the cholera fiend was no respecter of persons….

“….on the morning of June 19, Dayton awoke to a realization of the fact that she was not to escape the pestilence. Two more deaths and two new cases of cholera were reported.

“J. A. Kline was at that time running a hotel and boarding place known as the Kline House. It was well patronized, especially by the working class. Heavy rains had caused an unhealthy condition to arise in the rear yard of the place, so Kline ordered one of his employes—he also kept a livery stable in connection with the hotel—to dig a trench from the stable, down through the yard, with a view to draining off the water. Kline himself directed the work. That same night he was seized with an illness from which he died the following morning, and the employe passed away a day later.

“This, apparently, was the origin of the cholera outbreak here in 1849. Within a week from the time Kline died six people, all residents or boarders at this place, had succumbed to the disease. John J. Pearson, a merchant, from up in Shelby co. came to Dayton to do some shopping, in company with his wife. They stopped at the Kline House for dinner. He was stricken with cholera enroute to his home and died before morning.

“William Hall, a blacksmith living on the Eaton pike, had spent the previous night at the hotel. Two days later he was dead. And then we find this comment by the editor of The Advertiser:

It is most important that our citizens clean up their premises and give prompt attention to cholera symptoms. Since our issue of last Saturday there heave been several deaths and a number of new cases of the disease, most all having been residents of Kline’s hotel. The number of deaths among the inmates of this house and travelers who stopped there from Wednesday to Saturday was six. Every fatal case in the city has occurred among those who, either as boarders or travelers, had eaten or lodged in this ill-fated house. A woman boarder removed to the Independent engine house is expected to die at any moment. Efforts are being made to close up the hotel.

“Then we have a picture of the excitement through which all this section of the state was passing. Cincinnati residents, anxious to escape the disease, were flocking to other centers of population, and since Dayton was at that time connected with the Queen City by canal, the influx was especially heavy. An Irish family named Turner bought tickets on a boat to Dayton. The woman was taken suddenly ill, and the boat held at Hamilton while she was given medical attention. Next day the boat proceeded on to Dayton. Mrs. Turner died within a few hours after being carried from it at the canal landing.

“Hurriedly the physicians of the town assembled to discuss the situation. They decided upon the immediate formation of a board of health. This was done, and on June 20 the organization began functioning with these members: George B. Holt, president; J. Kinney, H. L. Brown, R. A. Kerfoot, S. B. Brown and M. G. Williams. The city was divided into six zones for preventive work.

“Dayton had no hospital, but did boast an orphan asylum, maintained and operated by a group of charitable women. They tendered the orphanage to the city as a hospital for the care of cholera cases, and it was accepted. At the same time the board of health made provisions for securing a wagon and team to be used as an ambulance for the speedy removal of every new case of the disease to the hospital.

Cincinnati, June 22 — Number of cases in Cincinnati for the 24 hours ending Tuesday was 61.

Nashville, Tenn. — Twenty-three new cases of cholera have been reported here within the past 24 hours.

“So seeped in word from the outside, and so terror here arose. That the disease was making a successful attempt to gain a foothold here is shown in the first official report of the board of health. No more pathetic story can be written than these figures unfold:

June 22—Three deaths.

June 23—Three deaths.

June 30—Five deaths.

July 24—Eight deaths [probably an incorrect transcription]

July 1,2—13 deaths.” [probably an incorrect transcription]

“….Everything else was forgotten; the black shadow of the plague hung heavy over every doorstep….

“Elijah Crist, prominent citizen and an employe of the old Howard factory on Rubicon creek, just above the Patterson farm, went home from work in the late afternoon. Next morning he was dead. Aaron Osad, Robert L. Hagan, Jeremiah Tritt, Barnhart Speck, Daniel Stutsman and J. N. Fasnacht had their names added to the same casualty list. The mortality among infants was especially great.

“On July 10, The Advertiser apologized for a scarcity of news in its previous issue. It was explained by the fact that its editor and several employes of the plant had been seriously ill. No deaths among the members of the newspaper force were reported, but in the same issue there appeared for the first time what was to become a regular department—a list of the dead and the place of their interment. Let us take it for the first six days in July, that we may secure an idea of the way Dayton was capitulating to the plague:

July 3—Burials at Woodland, 2; Catholic cemetery, 6; Old Graveyard, 3.

July 4—At Woodland, 2; Catholic cemetery, 5.

July 5—At Old cemetery, 4; Catholic cemetery, 2.

July 6—At Old Cemetery, 5; Catholic cemetery, 2; Woodland, 1.

July 7—At Catholic cemetery, 2; Old cemetery, 2; Woodland, 1.

July 8—At Old cemetery, 3; at Woodland, 2.”

“There is chronicled a total of 112 deaths in the city between the 18^th day of May and the ninth of July, an average death rate of two a day for a period of 50 consecutive days. And this does not include rural residents who, contracting the disease in Dayton, died and were buried outside the corporation lines.

“Dayton history holds no more pathetic appeal than that issued over the signature of George B. Holt, president of the board of health on the 17^th of July, 1849. It reads:

Many seem to think that since a board of health has been appointed and a hospital provided they have nothing to do but give notice to some member of the board that some individual has been attacked, and that then all their duty and responsibility rests with the board.

In several instances the board has been urged to remove suffering citizens by force from their own homes and families to the hospital. The board has no such power, and if they had would not exercise it. The hospital is provided for the stranger, the poor and the friendless. We do not and dare not make our official characters an excuse for neglecting our duty to these and we anxiously instruct one and all of our fellow-citizens, when their neighbors are attacked, to hasten to their relief. Wait not even for a call, and when called, refuse not to obey. Volunteer your services. By so doing you may save the lives of your friends and neighbors and receive in return the assurance and kind offices of others when, no matter how indifferent you may now feel, you may need help yourself.

“Mayor John Howard came forward with a proclamation setting aside the third Friday in July as ‘a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer.’ He insisted that on that date every form of industrial activity cease throughout the entire day. He ordered all stores closed, and all city and public offices locked against the transaction of business. He appealed to the ministers of the city, and the churches were thrown open at daybreak that constant prayer might be indulged in for the entire day….

“….That day of prayer was observed on July 22, and at a time when the death toll from the scourge was running all the way from 5 to 15 a day. On the 12^th day of August—less than three weeks later–the last victim had been claimed and the pestilence had passed away.

“….The early days of September found the city completely free of cholera or its symptoms. But the scars were left for years on the heart of everyone who had passed through the siege. There has not been a similar visitation since….” (Burba, Howard. “When the Cholera Plague Swept Dayton.” Dayton Daily News. 3-8-1931.)

Greasy Ridge, OH:

Carroll: “Dr. Churchill may be relied on as authentic…The statement is given in the language of Dr. L. R. Johnson: ‘The history of the cholera at Greasy Ridge is strongly confirmatory of the theory of contagion. This district is situated in Lawrence county, Ohio, near the Ohio River. That portion of the Ridge on which the disease prevailed, is more elevated than any portion of the surrounding country; yet in an area of scarcely three miles square, with a population not exceeding one hundred persons, there were forth-five deaths from cholera. The following particulars are kindly furnished by Dr. J. L. Churchill, at that time a resident in or near the invested district.’

A man by the name of Mart, visited Gallipolis for the purpose of trading; and hearing of a bad case of cholera, he determined, never having seen the disease, to visit the patient. He did so, returned home a distance of fifteen miles, and next morning had cholera, of which he died – not, however, before other members of the family were attacked by the same disease. Neighbors came to their assistance, took the disease, went home, and died. Dr. Hibbard, of Gallipolis, visited them; while prescribing, a neighbor came into the house, apparently in good health, but in an hour and a half he was a corpse. Dr. H. left, saying [end of p.74] he could do nothing for them; and, after going some eight miles, he, too, died. The neighbors now abstained from visiting the sick. In the house occupied by Mart, there were known to be six or seven dead bodies, and it was proposed to burn the house with its contents. Three men, however, who lived two or three miles distant, after smoking themselves with sulphur, washing with spirits, &c., and carrying with them a kettle of burning tar, entered the house, put the bodies into boxes, and deposited them in a grave. Two of these persons had cholera, but recovered; there is some uncertainty about the third.

The mother of Mart, who lived a mile and a half from the house, took away a little child from the ill-fated spot, hoping to save it; but it died, and she herself was taken sick, but recovered. This was the only recovery within the district three miles square, before referred to.

A family, consisting of a man, his wife and one child, ere found in their house dead from cholera. The man had been a visitor at Mart’s house during the sickness there.

A man named Pancake, who had the temerity to visit a choler patient contrary to the advice of a person calling himself a physician – who did not himself venture into the presence of his patients – died by the side of the road, after an illness of an hour or two. A family named Allbright were swept away. A Baptist minister, named Woodruff, went home, after visiting a patient dying of cholera, and himself and family, some eight or nine persons, were buried within three or four days.

“‘During the entire time of the prevalence of this disease,’ says my informant, ‘I do not know of a single instance of cholera without contact with, or being in presence of, a patient in a dying state.’ ” (Carroll, Thos., M.D. Observations on the Asiatic Cholera, As It Appeared In Cincinnati in 1849-50 (reprinted from the Western Lancet for June, 1854, p. 75.)

Minster, OH:

Village of Minster: Webpage starts with a photograph of “A monument to the memory of all cholera victims was erected in 1937. The inscription of the memorial reads: IN PIOUS MEMORY OF ALL OUR CHOLERA VICTIMS, OVER 300, ESPECIALLY IN THE YEAR 1849.”[399]

“….Cholera of 1849. The year of 1849 will ever be remembered in the history of Minster. The cholera epidemic swept over the entire country, taking thousands of lives. In some cases whole families were carried away within a week.

“The plague descended upon the people of Minster in the latter part of June. During the months of July and August the people died so rapidly that the bodies were collected twice each day and buried in four tiers in two trenches each seven feet wide on the west portion of the cemetery. No funeral arrangements, no religious service, no weeping relatives to follow, just wrapped in a plain shroud, placed in a crude wooden box and taken by some surviving friend to the last resting place.

“The neighbors would then burn all personal effects in hopes of halting the disease. Any surviving children were taken in by the nearest friend or relative and raised as their own. Thru this, original family names of many were changed, which accounts for the disconnected history of some of our citizens. The cholera took over 250 lives in a short time from Minster.” (Village of Minster, Minster Historical Society. “Cholera Attacks the Village of Minster, 1833, 1849.” The Village of Minster Historical Timeline (webpage). Accessed 3-19-2015.)

Sandusky, OH:

Ohio History Central: “In 1849, a cholera epidemic struck Ohio…Many Cincinnati residents took the Mad River Railroad from Cincinnati to Sandusky. Unfortunately, these people brought the cholera germ with them. Once the cholera outbreak reached Sandusky, approximately 3,500 of this city’s residents fled. Only 2,167 people remained. Four hundred – more than eleven percent of the town’s entire population before the epidemic – of the remaining people died. Most of the deceased were buried in a mass grave. Today, the site of this grave is designated as Cholera Cemetery. It is located on Harrison Street in Sandusky. In the center of the cemetery is a monument to the doctors who provided treatment for the sick. Doctors from Cincinnati, Cleveland, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and numerous other communities came to Sandusky to care for the townspeople.” (Ohio History Central. “Cholera Cemetery.” Accessed 3-2-2015.)

Peeke: “….A. W. Hendry[400] gives the following description:

The railroad connection between Sandusky and Cincinnati had just been completed and the large amount of travel and traffic over its line was unprecedented in the West. Large shops, docks and warehouses at Sandusky became a necessity, laborers with their families were crowded into small buildings with insufficient accommodations and it often happened that several families would occupy a small building hardly sufficient in size for one. Temporary cabins and boarding houses were hastily erected and soon crowded to overflowing. When the visitation of cholera came the city was wholly unprepared. There were no hospital accommodations and the force of local physicians was wholly insufficient for the emergency. Hospitals had to be improvised and physicians like the good Samaritan of old came in from the neighboring cities. The first death from the cholera was Mrs. Allen, July second….

“In a communication from C. C. Keech in the Register of July 12, 1884, he states:

There were fifty people put in the trench in three days, the trench filled up with dirt a stone wall built around the outside and three feet of extra earth placed on top. The trench has never been opened since the dead were placed in it. The big grave or trench was dug Sunday morning about July 28th, 1849. Mr. F. T. Barney hired a lot of railroad men at one dollar an hour to dig it. Before the work was commenced on the trench there were some twelve coffins piled up at our then small graveyard. As soon as part of the trench was dug the coffins were placed in and covered up….Some four hundred died in a month.

“The year 1849, memorable for the widespread prevalence and devastation of cholera throughout the country, was one of fearful fatality and corresponding consequences to Sandusky. At first giving but an occasional intimation of its intentions, attracting but a casual notice, until suddenly exploding with an overwhelming force, it swept through the affrighted populace like a besom[401] of destruction, withering with its upas breath[402] the brave, the beautiful, the strong and the feeble, the affluent and the indigent, and persisted with unabated fury until the place was nearly depopulated by death or desertion. ‘Dismay stalked abroad in the daytime, and the drowsy night was hideous with the wailings of the disconsolate.’ Many of the stricken were unpityingly forsaken by their friends and family, and left to the care and sympathy of the physician and philanthropist; all business was suspended, stores closed and workshops shut, and their occupants fled or fallen victims to the disease; the busy streets were painfully noiseless and apparently deserted. No coffins could be procured, nor graves made for the accumulating dead, and soon but one physician remained to serve or see the sick. Doctor Austin was prostrated at the onset of the disease; Doctor Tilden became completely exhausted from excessive fatigue and family affliction about the time of its acme; Doctor Lane eventually became ill, and Doctor Cochran was left alone, and stood steadfast and unfaltering at his post throughout the whole period of the pestilence, unceasingly dispensing his services and sympathy to suffering and sorrowing in daytime and night. The remainder fled ingloriously form the field; but, to the honor of legitimate medicine, the fact that the recreants were all (all) outsiders or emperies should be stated.

“During this time a few fearless and self-sacrificing spirits strove to bring order out of confusion, and endeavored to furnish the assistance and supply the necessities of the occasion, as the board of health, organized at the advent of the disease, had dispersed and the majority of them abandoned the place. Among the most efficient and untiring of these benefactors was F. M. Follett, Esq., and others, a number of whom fell martyrs to the disease, in their noble efforts to serve the sick. The names of other citizens of both sexes worthy of most honorable mention are too numerous for special notice in a paper of this character.

“A call was made to the sister cities of Cleveland and Cincinnati for aid, and a number of physicians and nurses rushed at once to the rescue. Hospitals were hastily arranged, services secured, and confidence restored, when the scourge began to succumb, and soon entirely disappeared….

“The first case that was witnessed in the place was a young gentleman from New Orleans by the name of Shephard, who was attacked on the cars between this city and Cincinnati, and arrived at the Mad River depot on the 25th of June, suffering severely from the disease, and was kindly admitted to the residence of Doctor Cochran, after being denied an entrance at all the public houses, and under his care and treatment recovered. In the same week a German woman was attacked upon the same road, and died soon after her arrival here, at the Exchange Hotel.”

(Peeke. “The Three Cholera Years.” Chap. 14, A Standard History of Erie Co., OH (V1). 1916.)

Wynne: “The fearful progress made by the disease struck terror into the hearts of its inhabitants, and produced a panic, unequalled in its history, in the United States. Business was suspended, the post-office was closed, and the inhabitants fled in dismay. It is estimated that when the disease had reached its height, the number of persons in the town did not exceed 1,000. The medical men, worn down with fatigue, were obliged to desert their posts, in order to recruit their strength. Their places were supplied by physicians from Cincinnati and Cleveland….” (Wynne 1852, p. 28.)

David Christy: “In a recent letter written from home, at Oxford, I gave you the results of my investigations, in that locality, in relation to the Geological theory of Cholera.

“The suggestion presented in that letter was, that if any [end of p. 38] exciting cause of Cholera exists in water used for drink, it is probably due to the presence of putrid matter derived from the surface water which finds its way rapidly into wells and springs, during rains, in limestone districts and not to the presence of carbonate of lime held in solution in the water.

“I have conversed with several intelligent citizens of the city [Sandusky, OH] familiar with the facts, who all concur in saying that where the cases were not traceable to other well known exciting causes – such as imprudence in eating or drinking, and local filth, &c., the Cholera was most malignant and most unmanageable, in the families and public houses where the supply of water was taken from the wells which re filled by surface water. This was especially the case with one of the public wells near the market square….

“On yesterday I met with an article in the New York Observer, taken from the London Spectator, which is strongly confirmatory of the theory that I have presented. This paper, in speaking of the ravages of the late pestilence in London, says that the frightful mortality, by Cholera, in Albion-terrace, Wandsworth, has been distinctly traced to the overflowing of cesspools into cisterns [end of p.40] and wells, from which the drinking water of the inhabitants was supplied, or from their proximity to grave yards, allowing the infilteration of water from the decomposed corpses. The Spectator further remarks, ‘It is also worthy of especial note, that the localities which have been most desolated by Cholera, are those which are supplied by the companies that procure their water from the Thames, below the Vauxhall bridge.’ It seems that such are the numbers of sewers emptying into the river above this point, and such the quantity of filth cast into it from vessels at anchor, that the water referred to, is literally loaded with domestic guano.[403]

“It, then, the surface water, loaded with putrid matter, be an exciting cause of Cholera, where predisposing causes exist, the remedy is at hand. Let every town, and every family, or group of families, have water proof cisterns supplied with rain water from the roofs of houses.”

Pp. 38-41 in: Roberts, Joel. Cholera of 1849, and the Opinions of Medical and Other Professional Gentlemen… Sandusky City, OH: W. S. Mills & Co., Printers, 1850. Accessed at Ohio Memory, Ohio Historical Society, 3-21-2015:

https://server16007.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/p267401coll36&CISOPTR=4048&REC=1 )

Another source notes that “Mr. David Christie published several letters in the True Democrat, in the autumn of 1849…on this subject…” (State of Ohio Board of Agriculture. “Analysis of Soils,” p. 51 in: Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Agriculture, of the State of Ohio, to the Fiftieth General Assembly, for the Year 1852. Columbus: Osgood & Blake, 1853.)

PENNSYLVNIA

Philadelphia:

AJMS review of Statistics of Cholera…, prepared by the Sanitary Committee of the Philadelphia Board of Health: “We must confess that we have been somewhat disappointed in this report. It seemed reasonable to expect full and detailed statistics in regard to the localities in which the cholera prevailed to the greatest extent, and the classes of the population who furnished the greatest proportion of its subjects.

“As an account rendered to the Board by the sanitary committee of the manner in which they had performed the duties delegated to them, the report is well enough; but when we look into it for the facts upon which are to be based permanent reforms calculated to improve the sanitary condition of our city and the neighbouring districts, we find only general statements, correct in themselves, but which leave us in entire ignorance of the particular points at which reform is most imperiously demanded, as well as of the nature of that reform….

“….while their numerous agents were making their visits to ‘all houses, cellars, yards, school-houses, factories, slaughter-houses, streets, lanes, alleys, courts, and all other places within their respective districts, where nuisances may exist,’ it would have but slightly increased their labours had they been directed to make their reports in such a form as to serve for the basis of a valuable sanitary survey of our city…

“It does not strike us that ‘it would have been impossible for the Board to enumerate the cases and causes of insalubrity discovered by them, and the numerous localities which, by their exact investigations, were found to be fruitful sources of filth and disease.’ On the contrary, we expected to have received a detailed account of those ‘localities’ to which they allude, ‘hidden from the public eye, where nuisances of the worst kind abound, generating and entailing disease, and sowing the seeds of physical death upon all around.’

“The Board could certainly have given ‘a local habitation and a name’ to those neighborhoods where, ‘day after day, in their personal visits, they breathed the pestiferous atmosphere of some degraded or ill-ventilated purlieus, where extremes of filth and misery and loathsome disease met the eye, where horrid heaps of manure from hog and cow-pens, putrefying garbage and refuse of every kind, carcasses in disgusting decomposition, filthy rooms, and damp, dirty, and mouldy [sic] cellars, full and foul privies in close and ill-ventilated locations, gave off their noxious gases.’ Many of these localities, we are told, ‘were in close proximity to contracted and badly-constructed houses, crowded by occupants, filthy and poor, without ventilation or drainage, or receptacles for filth, or supply of water, or the common comforts of life.’….

“Not only is the present report deficient in details adapted to convey precise information of the actual sanitary condition of our metropolis, and of the nature of the reforms demanded in particular localities to secure the public health, but its language throughout is extremely loose and faulty, and in several portions of it bears but a very remote resemblance to our vernacular tongue….[end of page 173]

“The following extracts will be interesting to our readers: —

The Board issued their first official bulletin May 30^th, and continued them up to August 18^th, inclusive, a period of 81 days. At their meeting on the 18^th of August, they resolved, that cholera no longer existing as an epidemic, the daily bulletin of cases should be discontinued.

From this period, a few scattering cases were handed into the Board for several days, and the weekly bills of mortality reported deaths from cholera up to September 8^th.

During the 81 days, there were reported to the Board 2141 cases, and 747 deaths. The largest number of cases and deaths reported were on the 14^th of July: viz. 84 cases and 32 deaths. On the 12^th of July, the highest number of cases and deaths were reported from the Almshouse: viz. 24 cases and 14 deaths.

From the 11^th to the 14^th of July, inclusive, there were 328 cases and 120 deaths reported, averaging 82 cases and 30 deaths daily, for four days in succession.

The cases reported in June, including the two days in May, numbered 278, and the deaths 97; being 1 death in 2.73. From the 1^st to the 18^th of August, a period of 18 days, 284 cases and 72 deaths, as 1 in 3.94 cases.

The following table [which we omit] will exhibit the cases and deaths in private practice, as reported to the Board of Health from May 30^th to August 18^th, inclusive, with the ration of cases and deaths to population, and to each other.

It is proper to observe here that, for the same period of time, the weekly bills of mortality published by the Board, exhibit the total number of deaths from cholera to have been 1012. If from them we deduct the 362 cases occurring in the Hospitals, Almshouse, and County Prison, we have left 650 cases, which will show an additional number of 264 cases, more than the aggregate of reports of deaths in private practice made by the Board in their daily bulletins.

This discrepancy can be accounted for from the fact that many physicians did not report daily the deaths occurring in their practice, and also that numerous cases came under the notice of he coroner, but one of which was reported to the Board of Health, and included in their bulletin. In addition to this, some persons who died in the country were interred within the county limits, and were necessarily included in the weekly bills of mortality, while no reports were made severally of their deaths to the Board of Health {?}.[404] Nor have we any hesitation in believing, that all the cases of cholera which actually occurred in private practice were not reported to the Board. A number of practitioners declined reporting altogether, while others only reported those of their cases which collapsed, and others, again, only those that proved fatal…. [end of page 174]

…Southwark, Moyamensing, and Richmond, in the order they stand, show the most unfavorable ratios of cases to population, the mean ratio being about one in every 136 inhabitants; while Penn and Spring Garden present the most favorable, one in every 514. West Philadelphia shows one in every 162. The Northern Liberties gives one in every 335½. The City one in every 305.39, and Kensington one in every 218.79.

The increased ratio of cases to population in Southwark must be attributed to its want of cleanliness, its locality, to the character of a portion of its inhabitants that reside in the more densely populated neighborhoods, and to its numerous, confined, and ill-ventilated courts, and alleys.

That of Moyamensing, to the depraved condition of hundreds of its inhabitants, to the filthy and crowded condition of many of its small houses, inhabited cellars, and their vitiated atmosphere, to the noxious exhalations from their persons and clothing, and the numerous collections of offensive bones and rags, and other offal, heaped up and arrayed for sale in many of their small streets.

In Richmond, to its locality along the river front, its want of proper drainage and sewerage, and also to the character, habits, and occupations of a large portion of its population; viz. canal and river boatmen, coal heavers, and laborers.

In Kensington, the chief cause lies in the unpaved, ungraded, and undrained condition of many of its streets. Penn, almost a rural district, elevated and dry, and to the N.W. of the city, with a population of 7325, reported only 14 cases and 4 deaths; whilst West Philadelphia, situated along the western border of the Schuylkill river, with a population of only 3413, gave 21 cases and 11 deaths; locality in these two instances must explain the comparative exemption of the former from the epidemic, and its increased prevalence in the latter.

Spring Garden, next in point of healthfulness to Penn, exhibited only one case to every 504.92 of its inhabitants, is situated high above the two rivers bounding the city, is well improved, its streets wide, well paved, and graded, its underground sewerage many miles in extent, free from a population degraded and depraved, and exempt from an excess of crowded and ill-ventilated courts and alleys that exist elsewhere…. [p. 175]

The sum total [of deaths] is 1012; of these, the males amounted to 540, and the females to 472, showing an excess of deaths of one-third males over females. But, during the three weeks from June 30^th to July 21^st, when the disease raged to the greatest extent, the proportion was reversed, so that the mortality among females was one-sixteenth more than among males.

The period of life between 30 and 40 presents the greatest mortality, and this ratio is exhibited in all medical statistics, showing a less resistance to disease at this age than at any other decimal period.

Of the whole number who died, 386 were attended at their own houses; 111 at the several hospitals under charge of the Board of Health; 229 at the Blockley Almshouse, 20 at the County Prison, and 1 unknown.

“We have not been able to gather the statistics of the epidemic, as it occurred among the coloured population, separate and distinct from the mass. This, however, is no fault of the Board of Health; the censure must fall upon the practicing members of that profession, who should be most interested in such tables, but who, we regret to say, are far too neglectful in making their returns, both of deaths and births, with that accuracy which is desirable. All we have accomplished under this head, has been to ascertain that 106 people of colour died of cholera, and were interred in grounds within the districts, making returns to the Board of Health, between the 1^st of June and the 8^th of September, a period of 100 days. Estimating the coloured population at 25,000, would give us about one death for every 337, which…shows a greater mortality from the cholera among the coloured than the white population.

By a reference to the weekly bills of mortality issued by the Board of Health for the last four consecutive years, embracing a period of the summer months, from the 1^st of June to the 1^st of September in each year, it will be seen that, since 1846, there has been an annual aggregate increase of mortality from the four bowel diseases, dysentery, diarrhoea, cholera morbus, and cholera infantum, as the following table will show: —

Years. Dysentery. Diarrhoea. Chol. Morb. Chol. Infant. Total

1846 37 55 12 272 376

1847 87 83 15 367 552

1848 163 63 25 388 639

1849 337 137 62 512 1048

The great increase in the deaths from the four bowel affections, for the past seasons, and during the prevalence of the epidemic, affords a striking contrast to those reported for the three former years, constituting nearly fifty per cent. more than either of those years, to which, add the mortality from Asiatic cholera, amounting to 1012 deaths, and we have an increase over former rates of more than 100 per cent. An evidence not only that while an epidemic is prevalent, other diseases may prevail with undiminished force; but that diseases of the same class, or partaking of the same congeneric [sic.] character, are augmented almost fifty per cent., and further, that epidemics do not always swallow up, in their mighty grasp, other diseases….”[405]

(American Journal of the Medical Sciences (Isaac Hays, M.D., editor). “Art. XX. – Statistics of Cholera… Prepared by the Sanitary Committee [Philadelphia Board of Health]…” Vol. XIX (New Series), January 1850, pp. 173-177.)

Pittsburgh, PA:

Duffy: “Not until the reappearance of cholera in the late 40’s [1849] were steps taken to establish a permanent Board of Health.” (Duffy, John. “The Impact of Asiatic Cholera on Pittsburgh, Wheeling, and Charleston.” The Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine, Vol. 47, No. 3, July 1964, p. 210 of 199-211.)

RHODE ISLAND

Providence:

Wynne: “The epidemic haunted particularly certain localities, most of them but little above the water level, and some of them among the most wretched and filthy neighborhoods of the city.” (Wynne 1852, p. 66.)

TENNESSEE

Memphis:

McClellan: “December 20 [1848], the steamboat Convoy, from New Orleans, arrived at Memphis, Tenn., after a trip of four days, with two or three cases of cholera among the deck-passengers and crew. For several days other boats going up the river had reported deaths from cholera before they reached Memphis, but none had landed at the city. Previous to December 22, Dr. Shanks states that there had been no tendency to bowel affections; but on that day a boy who frequented the wharf where boats landed took the disease and died. No other cases occurred until the 26th, when a man and his wife living on a flat-boat took the disease.[406] Both died. For the first twenty days the disease was confined to the landing-place and to persons communicating with infected vessels; after that it began to spread to other portions of the city.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 610.)

Niles, Jan 17: At Memphis, the average number of deaths was ten a day to the 8^th inst. [Jan].” (Niles’ National Register, Philadelphia, V.75, N.1929, 1-17-1849, p. 33.)

Nashville

McClellan: “On the 27th of December, the steamer Caroline Watkins, from New Orleans, arrived at Nashville, Tenn., with one dead body from cholera on board. During the voyage, which occupied a period of about ten days, she had lost eight others from the same disease. Dr. A. H. Buchanan reports “that these deaths occurred among deck-passengers and firemen, most of whom were foreigners, and, as represented, very imprudent under treatment. One or two of the deaths were among colored persons.”

“No cases of the disease, however, occurred at Nashville until the 20th of January, twenty-five days after the arrival of the Watkins, and several days after the arrival of other boats, on board of which there were cholera, the first case occurred. The next day, a second case occurred in the same house; the third case occurred in the same house ; all three cases died. The house at which these cases occurred was in a most miserable condition, and was nearly surrounded with water, From these cases the epidemic originated.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 610.)

Buchanan: “….One family, in which the disease appeared with great severity, lived in a good house, in an open lot or field upon an elevated situation, in the suburbs of the city, and seemed to be remote from all city influences, or other causes productive of it. It this family two deaths occurred, and every member suffered from it. The black population, and the lower classes of society – the most ignorant and indigent – were the greatest sufferers.

“About the 4^th or 5^th of February, the disease reached its greatest height, and as many as four or five died in twenty-four hours. Previous to this time from one to two or three deaths occurred daily, and after this the disease gradually declined, so that by the 26^th February we regarded it as at an end. The number of deaths were in all about forty or fifty.

“During the prevalence of the disease almost every one in the city complained more or less of some uneasiness in the stomach and bowels. Hundreds suffered from diarrhoea, and some from dysentery, which, in many cases, were very painful and difficult to cure.” (Buchanan, M.D. account published in Western Journal of Medicine, May 1849, in Wynne, p. 7.)

Wynne: Dr. Wynne picks up after Dr. Buchanan’s report ends and writes that on March 13 cholera reappeared “in the low grounds in the south-easer portion of the town, It prevailed moderately until the middle of May, when it broke out with renewed violence upon College Hill, and continued until the 17^th of June, when it finally subsided for the year 1849. The number of deaths from the disease, from the 20^th of January to the 17^th of June, was 305.” (Wynne. Report on Epidemic Cholera, as it Prevailed in the United States in 1849 and 1850. 1852, p. 7.)

TN State Library: “James K. Polk died of cholera in Nashville just after leaving the presidency in 1849.” (Tennessee State Library and Archives. Disasters in Tennessee. “Epidemic Scourges in Tennessee.” Nashville. Accessed 10-18-2013: http://www.tennessee.gov/tsla/exhibits/disasters/epidemics.htm )

Dr. A. McCall of Nashville: “People of infirm constitution and of irregular habits are most liable to suffer, and the colored race do not sustain attacks so well as the whites. When the symptoms bear resemblance to cholera morbus or cholera infantum, and when the diarrhoea is protracted, opium and small portions of calomel, or the blue mass, constitute a good remedy; and the consecutive chill and fever often requires the use of brandy and quinine. For the primary treatment a mixture of Laudanum…Capsicum tinct.,…Sp. of Camphor…Tincture of nut galls…given in desert or tablespoonfuls according to urgency of symptoms, ensures relief, if early and judiciously administered. To remove the contents of the stomach at the offset, a spoonful of dissolved castile soap, in a glass of warm water, is very good, and I have heard that wineglass potions of hot mutton suet will arrest the rice-water discharges. It is said charcoal dust mixed with brandy and the albumen of eggs is a preventive remedy. But I rely on health, regular habits, and free diet of bacon, beef, mutton, venison, salted fish, corn and wheat bread, fresh butter, tea and coffee with no other vegetable than sweet-potatoes, together with ventilation of apartments night and day, as the safest means of avoiding attacks from cholera. Under the use of Dr. P. W. Martin’s mixture, above described, he had lost only six patients of 210. The nut galls modify the narcotic effects of opium, and used in stimulant enemata tend to prevent the relaxation of the sphincter muscles. The decoction of oak bark alone, is said to cure cholera; indeed, whatever arrests the rice-water flow is beneficial. Will alum or the astringent fruit of persimmon operate as does the tannin? I suppose not.” (McCall, A., M.D. “Remarks on Cholera… [pp. 90-91]

“….Since the beginning of this year, according to the best estimate I have been able to make, 1,850 cases of genuine cholera have happened, of which 130 proved fatal to this date in our city….I conjecture that in twenty days more cholera will disappear from our city – at present it is confined to small districts, and excites no alarm except among those immediately in its vicinity. ” Western Lancet and Hospital Reporter, Vol. X, No. 2, August, 1849, pp. 90-91, 96.)

TEXAS

Houston:

Massie: “….The cholera has just ceased in this city….We had considerable opportunities to test the value of remedies, as the disease was almost exclusively confined to the lower classes….In general, we were seldom called until the evacuations were copious, and not unfrequently until collapse had taken place….At the commencement of the epidemic, I pushed calomel to some extent, and regret to add, in most cases the results were not favorable….” (Massie, J. Cam., M.D. “Cholera in Houston, &c. Remarks on the Treatment of Cholera in Houston, Texas…” The Eclectic Medical Journal, Vol. I (NS), No. 4, April 1849, p. 154.)

McClellan: “Dr. Fenner states that the epidemic prevailed to a considerable extent at Houston, while Galveston escaped. The Eighth Infantry undoubtedly were efficient agents in the introduction of the disease into the State.

“In a report of Surgeon J. J. B. Wright, United States Army, in Fenner’s Medical Reports, it is stated that “The disease made its entry at San Antonio about the middle of April, approaching from an easterly direction, by the Lavacca road. Its advent was heralded by its victims among the California emigrants on their way to join the Government train, which was expected to leave for El Paso del Norte.”….

[San Antonio] “The disease has been prevailing in this place and vicinity since middle of April, but no case had occurred in the military encampment in the neighborhood of San Antonio until the 4th instant, when it made its appearance in Camp Salado, the station of the Third Infantry. Some fifteen cases have occurred, of which six have been fatal…

“May 11… The disease continues to prevail, and many of the cases are more…fatal than those preceding them. The Third Infantry has lost twenty men, while the epidemic is still progressive in the camp….A report of the late Surgeon N. S. Jarvis, United States Army, published also in Fenner’s Medical Reports for 1849, demonstrate: cholera was diffused through Texas by the movements of troops and emigrants, and into Mexico by the arrival of refugees from Texas.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 615-616.)

Port Lavaca, San Antonio, Brazos Santiago, Fort Brown, and elsewhere, TX:

Trevitt in Carroll: “…I here quote the greater portion of a letter from Wm. Trevitt, M.D., of Columbus, O., to Professor M. B. Wright, of this city [Cincinnati]…Dr. T. was surgeon to our Army of Occupation in Mexico. Speaking of cholera, he says:

I believe it was first proclaimed to have made its appearance on Staten Island. Its next announcement, and almost simultaneously, was at Port La Vaca, Texas, among our troops recently arrived there. It was almost universal in its attacks, and most alarmingly fatal. Lieut. John Trevitt was here, I think, in command. He informed me that he escorted these recruits as fast as possible to the interior, to the neighborhood of San Antonia [sic], where it was supposed to be more healthy; but the mysterious scourge accompanied them, and did not stay its hand till it had cut down officers and privates, from the highest to the lowest, regardless of rank and irrespective of service; not even sparing the flower of the army – the bravest of the brave. The gallant Worth, and many other distinguished spirits, who had stood unscathed through all the war, and whose familiarity, in the tent and upon the battlefield, had taught them to laugh at Death’s grimaces, here fell victims to this their inglorious foe….

Closely following this attack upon our soldiers at Port La Vaca, we find he cholera at Brasos [Brazos] Santiago,[407] a small island, not very unlike in its formation and general characteristics to Galveston….This island was occupied during the Mexican war, as a military post; and as such, was of considerable importance. At the time the Cholera manifested itself some two hundred people upon the island; nearly all of whom suffered from this disease, and more than one half died!!

“At Point Isabel, a short distance from the above island…There the Cholera was not less prevalent, and was equally fatal as at Brasos Santiago…. [p.31]

….At this point, (the mouth of the Rio Grande), nearly or quite half of the inhabitants died of the Cholera.

At Fort Brown, (Brownsville), the first port above the mouth of the river, and opposite to Matamoras [Mexico], where sixty or seventy died per day, till the city, numbering some ten thousand inhabitants, was, between death and flight, almost entirely depopulated.

I will not occupy time in the further pursuit of our unseen foe, but will way, in conclusion, that every town or military post, for many hundred miles upon the river, as well as points at a distance from it, suffered in the same or a like ration, whether occupied by Americans of the North, Mexicans of the South, or the native Indians. All fell alike prostrated upon the approach of this invisible pestilence. (Carroll 1854, pp. 31-32.)

San Antonio, TX

San Antonio Express-News (Jacob Beltran): “….San Antonio was hit by at least two cholera epidemics in both 1849 and 1866. Multiple scares between the epidemics and after sent residents and military groups fleeing from the city….

“The cholera epidemic of 1849 lasted six weeks and killed at least 500 people by May, according to the Texas State Historical Association. According to Promises to Keep, a history of the Sisters of Charity of the Incarnate Word in San Antonio, the death toll reached 600 by the epidemic’s end, out of a population of 5,000. The lack of an actual hospital in San Antonio contributed to the mass deaths. The Texas Democrat reported in April 1849 “that there had been as many as 35 deaths in the space of twenty-four hours.”

“An account from French missionary Abbe Emmanuel Henri Domenech describes the city’s quick change in atmosphere:

San Antonio, which a few days before was so gay, so crowded with people … was now silent as the grave. The streets were deserted, and the church bells no longer tolled the ordinary. Had they done so, the toiling would have been continuous night and day. The parish priest could find no time even to say mass….”

(San Antonio Express-News (Jacob Beltran), TX. “Cholera epidemics killed at least 700 in 1800s.” 2-14-2015.)

“Fort Worth was Whiting’s [W.H.C. Whiting] last stop in his 1849 swing through the central part of the state, and he found it to be the unhealthiest post on the frontier….Cholera was another matter….Two earlier epidemics had already hit Texas, the first in 1833 at Victoria and Brazoria, and the second in December 1848 at Port Lavaca. Ominously, the second outbreak was caused by soldiers coming back from the Mexican War, which was also the case with the third outbreak at Indianola among troops of the Eighth Infantry in February 1849. When they moved inland to San Antonio, they carried the disease with them. Other units coming through the Texas ports were soon exposed.” (Richard F. Selcer. The Fort that Became a City: An Illustrated Reconstruction of Fort Worth. Texas Christian University Press, 1995, p. 103.)

Newspapers:

Dec 27, 1848 report: “Cholera in Eastern Texas – The Banner publishes the following extract of a letter from Col. James McCown, dated Marshall, Harrison County, Dec. 27.

The cholera is spreading from New Orleans thro- the up country. We learn by a boat that arrived yesterday, direct from the city, that the epidemic is slaying all before it there, and making its way to all the towns up the river. Several persons died upon the boat, and some of the passengers have died since they landed home. We have had one case in this place. The victim, a stout young man, yesterday died in one day after being taken. Some of a large gang of negroes, who came up on the same boat, are now down. I think the cholera will spread all over our country, particularly upon and near the water curses. It has appeared already at every town from New Orleans to the head of the Lake. We learn that everybody is leaving the city who can get away. Our citizens are greatly alarmed. We are preparing a hospital for strangers, as there is now a heavier emigration to this section than was ever known before – the greater portion coming by water. We were getting along finely – all kinds of property rising, but the cholera will, I fear, knock everything in the head. (Texas Democrat, Austin “Cholera in Eastern Texas.” 2-3-1849, p. 1, col. 2.)

Jan 17 report (thus probably reporting for December): “Cholera….Houston and Fort Lavacca had been visited with it – the deaths at the former places averaging twelve a day. At Fort Lavacca 135 deaths occurred in two days. The mortality among the troops is stated to have been frightful. The statements concerning the mortality in the eighth regiment are rather conflicting. No doubt it has been great.” (Niles’ National Register, Vol. 75, No. 1929, 1-17-1849, p. 33.)

March 17 report: “We regret to learn that the Cholera has made its appearance at most towns of the Rio Grande—Matamoros, Brownsville, Rio Grande City, etc. Many deaths have occurred, and numbers of the inhabitants are leaving for more healthy parts of the country.

“Later.—Capt. Jack EVERETT and Mr. MYERS arrived here from the Rio Grande on Wednesday evening. They confirm the worst reports of cholera in the region. Col L. P. COOK and wife have died of the disease. Col C. was Secretary of the Navy during the administration of President LAMAR, and at the time of his death, a resident of Brownsville.” (Corpus Christi Star, TX. “Cholera on the Rio Grande.” 3-17-1849. Transcribed by Scott Grayson, 2007.)

April 7 report: “From the Rio Grande – The steamer Globe…from Brazos Santiago, arrived yesterday on her way to New Orleans. About thirty-five or forty California emigrants are returning on the Globe, for the post part on account of the dangers and hardships attendant on the journey….The cholera, which is raging at all the settlements on the Rio Grande, thinned their numbers…and to add to their misfortunes, they were robbed of their funds, twelve thousand dollars, at Rio Grande City…Their Treasurer placed the money in the hands of a bar-keeper at a tavern kept by a man named Armstrong, and on the next morning it was missing. The bar-keeper was afterwards attacked with cholera, when, perhaps, under the influence of a troubled conscience, and fear of death, he disclosed the whereabouts of $4,000 of the funds, which were recovered. The company at the time was scattered, and the party some nine or ten, who had charge of the funds, lost half their number within a few days. One gentleman who returned states that on one occasion he, with two others, went to sleep in a small room, and awaking about three hours afterwards found both his companions dead.

“Col. Webb, on the first breaking out of the cholera went off, as he said, to purchase mules, and his company have not since heard of him. Several of those returning belonged to other companies from Massachusetts, New York, Mississippi and elsewhere. They all agree in representing the ravages of the cholera as fearful in the extreme, rendering it impossible for a body of men to stay together. At Brownsville the cholera had abated, but in Matamoros the mortality was very great – some say fifty and some seventy a day.

“Mier [?] is the highest point to which any of the returning emigrants have been, and they report the cholera on the river thus far. At the mouth, Brazos, Santiago and Point Isabel the disease was less virulent than at other towns higher up, and may be said to exist only in a sporadic form. – Galveston News.” (Texas Democrat, Austin. “From the Rio Grande.” Vol. 1, No. 11, Ed. 1, 4-7- 1849, The Portal to Texas History, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, Austin, Texas.)

May 30 report: “From the Baltimore Sun….Arrival of the Northener and Falcon – Increase of the Flood at New Orleans – Great Indian Massacre and Robbery at Palo Alto – Ravages of the Cholera, &c.

“Charleston, S.C. May, 30^th….The ravages of the cholera at San Antonio are most awful. The whole number of deaths is not short of 500. The disease has broken out in the camp of the 3d infantry, and in the quartermaster’s encampment on the Salado where many were dying.” (Fort Wayne Times, IN. “Important from the South.” 6-14-1849, p. 1.)

May 31 report: “The Cholera at San Antonio has probably nearly run its course, so far as the present population is concerned. The last number of the Western… [unclear word] publishes a list of the deaths for the week ending May 17, amounting to seventeen in number. Although this in ordinary times would be looked upon as a frightful mortality, yet it exhibits so marked a [unclear – seems to be “decrease from”] the previous week that it is hailed as…[line not visible].” (Civilian and Galveston Gazette, TX. “The Cholera at San Antonio.” 5-31-1849, p. 2.)

The South

“The Western papers announce the appearance of the Cholera in nearly all the large places along the Mississippi and Ohio rivers…” (Gettysburg Star and Banner (PA). “Cholera,” 1-12-1849, 3.)

“The Baltimore Sun says it is estimated that ten thousand slaves have died of cholera in the southern cities and on plantations.” (Weekly Wisconsin (Milwaukee). “Demand for Slaves,” September 26, 1849, p. 8.)

Native Americans

McClellan: “On the 7^th of September it [cholera] was reported at Saint Louis; but cholera was raging among the northwestern Indians to an alarming extent. It had disappeared from among the southern tribes and those on the South Arkansas River. The Indians along the Missouri River continued greatly incensed against the whites for introducing the epidemic among them…” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…In North America.” 1875, p. 617.)

Steamboats

“The Ark: “Fancy to yourself a steamboat descending the Arkansas river; she has jus cleared from Fort Smith; her destination the Queen City of the West [Cincinnati]. Her decks are crowded with the products of the western adventurer and pioneer, and her cabins exhibit a throng of pioneers, with their friends, who have been sojourning with them from the Atlantic cities. All is peace and harmony on board, with a prospect of a speedy and prosperous trip to the fair banks of the beautiful Ohio. But ah! What has caused this change? This sudden change? View for a moment the anxious and sad countenances of the stranger passengers; and the alarm and consternation of the boat’s crew. Cholera! That dreaded scourge, has shown itself upon the boat; — it is prostrating passengers and crew, irrespective of age or condition! The carpenter of the boat, who is a poor man…is engaged in constructing rude, rough boxes, from three quarter inch plank, as a substitute for coffins to contain the bodies of those who have fallen victims to the scourge. At intervals of two or three hours the gyre of the boat’s bell is heard o’er hill and dale, as the captain stands, like a sentry at the gate of Golgotha, causing the boat’s monitor to toll the sad tidings that another spirit has taken its departure to the spirit-lad. The boat obeys the mandate – she nears the shore, and another relic is deposited on the beach, or the sand-bar; in the western wilderness, with necessary indecent hast, while surrounding friends, if any, drop the bitter tear, and with disconsolate and aching hearts are hurried aboard the vessel to pursue their sad journey; but have not proceeded far until the heart-rending signal is again given, and the same melancholy task is performed again, and again, with not even a stone or a stake to mark the last resting place of those who have prematurely been swept from the busy scenes of life….

“In the short space of thirty hours, nine victims had thus been deposited along the shores of the Arkansas… Finally the carpenter of the boat, (just as he had completed the structure of a small coffin to receive the remains of a beloved child, whose mother was on board, forlorn, and despairing…a very respectable lady, and a resident of Philadelphia), was seen to faint and fall, with an attack of the Cholera! He survived some five or six hours, and then expired….” (The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine, “Advantages and Beauties of Odd Fellowship,” Vol. 6, No, 8, Aug 1849, p. 250.)

“Discovery of the Cause of Cholera

“The English papers tell us that Dr. Brittan and Mr. Swayne, of Bristol, have recently discovered a connection between epidemic Cholera and fungous organisms – minute microscopic plants – existing in the atmosphere and waters of infected places. Dr. Alison, of Birmingham, and other [end of p.49] observers, are said to have detected and ‘incontrovertibly proved’ the existence of these organisms in the air and water of cholera districts, and in the bodies of cholera patients. The sporules, or seeds of the plants, it is alleged, are found existing without the body, the plants themselves receiving their fullest development in the alvine canal, where they are supposed to produce those deadly results which constitute the disease of Cholera. The matter is under investigation by the College of Physicians.” (Pp. 49-50 in: Roberts, Joel. Cholera of 1849, and the Opinions of Medical and Other Professional Gentlemen… Sandusky City, OH: W. S. Mills & Co., Printers, 1850. Accessed at Ohio Memory, Ohio Historical Society, 3-21-2015:

https://server16007.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/p267401coll36&CISOPTR=4048&REC=1 )

But, see elsewhere in this book statements by a variety of people on a variety of causes of and cures for cholera, such as one Mrs. Willard (p. 50) who wrote that the problem was “nitric and carbonic acid gases occupying the lungs, to the exclusion of oxygen.” Thus by putting patients “in an upright position, with their faces toward the wind, and then directing them by violent artificial breathing, to throw out from the lungs the noxious gases, and inhale the pure oxygen…” the most astonishingly satisfactory results were produced…”

Remedies in Roberts: “A writer in yesterday’s Reveille gives it as his opinion that if all the inhabitants of St. Louis would take to drinking ley [?], made from wood ashes, there would not be a case of cholera in the city in forty-eight hours’ time. We can add our own testimony to the efficacy of strong ley, in cases of colic and diarrhea. It has been a popular remedy among the old ladies of the country as far back as the ‘time whereof memory of man runneth not to the contrary.’ ” (Roberts, Joel. Cholera of 1849, and the Opinions of Medical and Other Professional Gentlemen… Sandusky City, OH: W. S. Mills & Co., Printers, 1850. Accessed at Ohio Memory, Ohio Historical Society, p. 57.)

“The Cholera Preventive

“Dr. J. H. Bird, of Chicago, Ill., has been electrifying both West and East, with the announcement that he had discovered in sulphur a preventive for the cholera. His doctrine is that during all seasons of epidemics, a substance called ozone pervades the atmosphere; and that sulphur is the antidote against the effects of ozone. The specific has been tried with success, both at Chicago and New Orleans. Since its discovery, it has been recollected that, in 1832, all workmen in gas factories, or other places where sulphureted hydrogen pervaded the air, enjoyed an exemption from the pestilence. There seems good grounds, therefore, to believe that a preventive, if not a remedy, has been found for the epidemic.

“Circumstances, however, have been related to us, proving that the idea is not a new one at all; that it has been published to the world long ago – not in the books or journals of the medical profession of the old school, but in the works of homoeopathists, as the result of the investigations of Dr. C. Hering, a well known practitioner of this city.”[408]….

“The ingredients of the cholera specific, prepared by Dr. Bird, are as follows: — One part of pulverized charcoal to four parts of sulphur. One dose of four grains uniformly checks premonitory symptoms, such as pain, slight diarrhoea, &c. The same dose repeated every three or four hours, ameliorates the patient’s condition at once, and when used in a few hours, entirely dissipates symptoms. – Phil. Gaz.” (Roberts, Joel. Cholera of 1849, and the Opinions of Medical and Other Professional Gentlemen… Sandusky City, OH: W. S. Mills & Co., Printers, 1850. Accessed at Ohio Memory, Ohio Historical Society, p. 58-59.)

Sources:

Adams Sentinel and General Advertiser, Gettysburg, PA. 9-10-1849, p. 3, col. 1. Accessed 3-3-2015 at: http://newspaperarchive.com

Adams Sentinel and General Advertiser, Gettysburg, PA. “Ravages of the Cholera.” 8-13-1849, p. 4. Accessed 3-14-2015 at: http://newspaperarchive.com/us/pennsylvania/gettysburg/adams-sentinel/1849/08-13/page-4?tag=plattsburg+cholera&rtserp=tags/plattsburg-cholera?ndt=by&py=1849&pey=1849&psb=date

Allen County Genealogical Society of Indiana. “Cholera and Other Deaths, Jul.-Sep. 1849, Fort Wayne, Indiana.” Noted are burial data derived from the Fort Wayne Sentinel, including name, age, burial date, cemetery, cause of death, newspaper date and page, when available. Accessed 3-1-2015 at: http://www.acgsi.org/vital/cholera1849.php

Alta California, San Francisco. “The Health of the City” [NOLA]. 9-6-1849, p. 5. Accessed 2-27-2015 at: http://newspaperarchive.com/us/california/san-francisco/alta-california/1849/09-06/page-5?tag=cholera&rtserp=tags/?psi=14&pci=7&ndt=by&py=1849&pey=1849&pep=cholera&psb=date

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[1] There were outbreaks elsewhere (see below). We note that our sources could not have had access to all cholera deaths in areas of coverage. Collins and Collins write in History of Kentucky, there were many more deaths in the smaller towns and the countryside than they were able to chronicle. This must have been true all up and down routes of river and rail traffic as well as in the wagon trains heading west during the Gold Rush. In addition, part of the explanation for the range has to do with what was called a death by cholera or a death caused by cholera-like symptoms, such as diarrhea or dysentery (interestingly co-incident in epidemic form during a cholera outbreak).

[2] “The epidemics of 1849 and 1866 were less devastating [than cholera epidemic of 1832]; total mortality for the former was in the 100,000 range, and 50,000 for the later.” (Cites: J. S. Chambers, The Conquest of Cholera: America’s Greatest Scourge (New York: Macmillan, 1938): U.S. Surgeon General, The Cholera Epidemic of 1873 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1875), pp. 530-682; van Heyningen and Seal, Cholera, p. 8.” Nonetheless, we highlight in yellow to denote non-inclusion in our tally in that we cannot substantiate elsewhere.

[3] This number includes 4,180 slaves. We have seen an estimate of as high as 10,000 slave deaths from cholera in the press for 1849, but without any explanation of how such a figure was derived; thus not used in our estimating.

[4] “Table 1. – Classification of the ages of those who died during the year ending June 1, 1850 – white, free colored, and slave – with the causes of death.” Thus we essentially have a combination of cholera deaths from 2^nd half of 1849 and first five months of 1850. Besides the overlap in years, another problem with reliance on this number is the nature of collecting the information, via a neighborhood canvas by a marshal’s office. The report notes that the only really reliable source for fatality data is a death certificate filled out by a physician. Certainly the large number of cholera deaths (estimated as upwards of 5,000) on trails westward and amongst Native Americans would not have been part of the Census tally. Another problem would be diagnosis — reported are deaths from “Cholera Infantum” (3,960 deaths), “Cholera Morbus” (1,568), “Diarrhoea” (6,366), and Dysentery (20,556). We did not count these.

[5] The census was for the time-frame May 1, 1849-June 1, 1850 – at least this is our interpretation of statements that data collected or classifications were for “those who died during the year ending June 1, 1850…” (p. 17) This data is gathered from a table which breaks down deaths by various types of death, including cholera, by season. In that “Summer” “Autumn” and “Winter” would have had to be during 1849, we use those numbers and exclude the Spring deaths (39).

[6] Includes deaths from July, 1849 to June, 1850.

[7] Pyle (p. 67) notes the date of entry of cholera into Mobile, population 20,515, was in January, 1949.

[8] We do not use Spring deaths (10).

[9] We do not use Spring deaths (3). There were 9 in the Summer, 55 in the Autumn, and 31 during the Winter.

[10] Our number extrapolating from the following, so as to derive a minimum number to tabulate: “One of Colorado’s first recorded epidemics occurred in 1849, when an outbreak of cholera snuffed out many lives in the Julesburg area. Drainage wells in that area were polluted by the first wagon trains heading west over the Oregon Trail.”

[11] Twenty-one during the Summer, 35 during the Fall and 3 during the Winter.

[12] From table entitled “Mortuary Record of Hartford, for eight Years, Ending Dec. 31^st, 1854,” by Myron W. Wilson, M.D. (beginning at page 42). Interestingly, the only causes of death higher than cholera in Hartford in 1849 were “Cholera Infantum (34) and “Dysentery” (53). “Diarrhea” accounted for 9. Diarrhea is a manifestation of cholera, and dysentery and cholera deaths could be confused or deliberately mis-reported so as to allay anxiety. Likewise, “Cholera Infantum” could be a misdiagnosed cholera death as well in some cases.

[13] The reference is to a report of the cases treated by one doctor in New Haven.

[14] Cothren writes that “During the cholera season of 1849, he [Dr. Avery J. Skilton] passed several days at a time without removing his clothing, snatching a few moments sleep as he was able to do so.”

[15] Seventy-eight deaths during the Summer and seventeen during the Autumn.

[16] Peter T. Dalleo writes in “The Growth of Delaware’s Antebellum Free African American Community,” that “In 1849, when cholera struck the city, 22 African Americans, almost one-third of the dead, succumbed to that disease.”

[17] “The board of health at Washington report 13 cases of cholera and 7 deaths from the 25^th of June to…6^th of July.”

[18] Left out Spring (77) in that it probably refers to 1850; left out Winter (25) in that it could have spanned 1849-50.

[19] “Mortality in Alton,” p. 2. Cites a Mr. Brudon, Superintendent of the Cemetery, and notes first cholera death was on May 19. Since the report was to Aug 8, that is an 80-day period, with 80 cholera deaths.

[20] Notes 6 of the 13 were strangers, and that there were 7 additional deaths from other diseases.

[21] Notes 4 of the 14 were strangers, and that there were 9 additional deaths from other diseases.

[22] Notes 3 of the 13 were strangers, and that there were 6 additional deaths from other diseases.

[23] Notes 9 of the 24 were strangers, and there were no deaths from other diseases.

[24] Notes 2 were strangers, and there were no deaths from other diseases.

[25] Notes 2 of the 5 were strangers, and there were 3 additional deaths from other diseases.

[26] Notes that there were five deaths from other diseases, two of whom were strangers.

[27] Begin date is our guess. Report is from Aug 25: “The Beacon of last Friday gives the first two days’ ravages…” August 25 was a Saturday, and if the reference is to “last” Friday rather than “this” Friday, then the Friday in question would be Aug 17. Writes that “as many as 15 died in one day.”

[28] Browning does not put a date or source to this clipping. The clipping notes a population of less than 4,000.

[29] Custer, Milo. “The Roll of the Dead: A List of Deaths From Asiatic Cholera in Central Illinois, 1834-1873.” 1929. In “McLean County, Illinois History and Genealogy,” Genealogy Trails, transcribed by Kim Torp.

[30] Pyle, “Diffusion of Cholera in the [U.S.] in the Nineteenth Century,” p. 67, has cholera beginning April 14.

[31] William Worthington, Mr. Smith, Thomas Feely, and L. W. Bridges.

[32] William A Donison, aged 20, a passenger from the Sultana, from which he was put off on Aug 5, suffering from “the premonitory symptom…” Was on his way from Walnut Pick, MS to Eastport, TN.

[33] Robert Thomas, a deck passenger on the Griffin Yeatman on his way to New Orleans and died at the Cairo wharf.

[34] Note that in McClellan (1875, 617) 324 fatalities were noted in reference to the first severe outbreak. The estimate of 678 fatalities comes after a brief description of another wave later in the year: “On September 24, a fresh arrival of cholera-infected emigrants caused another epidemic, which continued until late October, the total cholera deaths being six hundred and seventy-eight.” In that Childs also notes 678 fatalities, it is assumed here that the 678 number refers not just to the second wave but to the totality of cholera deaths in Chicago for the year.

[35] Notes that “Chicago contains a population of 28,209 inhabitants.”

[36] Find A Grave. “Rev. Zadock Darrow.” Record created by James Bridges and posted 2-25-2013.

[37] “Cholera Again – The Cholera has broken out at Copperas Creek Landing, on the Illinois river, and some eight persons have fallen victims.”

[38] The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine. “Obituary.” Vol. 6, No, 8, Aug 1849, p. 260.

[39] The Cairo Delta, 5-23-1849, transcription by Darrel Dexter in “Obituaries and Death Notices…[from].”

[40] Deaths occurred on June 23 and 29, July 13 (2), and Aug 2 (2), 5 and 25. Ages of deceased ranged from 22-40. Additional information is on the Hutten page on the U.S. Genealogy Archives website.

[41] “Cholera Again…We…learn from the Peoria Register of the 30^th ult. [previous month], that during the ten days previous, six or seven deaths from cholera had occurred at Lancaster Landing, twenty miles below Peoria.”

[42] We assume this is a reference to Lily Lake in Kane County.

[43] On the Illinois River.

[44] “Late that same summer [1849] work on the church was interrupted for a time by an epidemic of cholera…Within one week seven members of the young congregation were snatched out of the land of he living, and in Millstadt about 50 people died in the space of four weeks.” P. 2.

[45] Margaretha Elisabetha Flittner, July 9; Wilhelm Flittner, July 13; Jacob Giebrich, July 7; Gertrud Harms, July 12; Maria Helmrichs, July 7; Mrs. Jakob Hermann, July 31; Johann Carl Jung, July 12; Theodor Richmann, July 10; Marie Magdalena Schieferdecker, July 14.

[46] On the Kankakee River.

[47] Near the Fox River.

[48] Our guesstimate in order to tally based on: “In the spring of 1849 the cholera firs made its appearance in Peru, and on the 20^th of June it suddenly assumed a malignant character, and in a few weeks hundreds had yielded to the frightful scourge and many, panic stricken, had fled. It ceased about as suddenly as it appeared…”

[49] A port of call on the Mississippi River, thus explaining its occurring visitations during the year. Collins and Perry write that “the entire population of the little village, then containing between four and five hundred people”

[50] Collins and Perry write that the official death toll attributable to cholera up to late August was 236. They make it clear that “this record is defective, since many burials were unreported” and because “other causes” were assigned to cholera deaths, in the opinion of the authors, so as “to discredit the extent of the epidemic…[and]ally apprehension.” Thus they write that “an addition of at least one hundred…would be not far from correct.” Among the fatalities were people not of Quincy – either traveling on the river or seeking shelter there after flooding on the river.

[51] “We ascertain from the N. W. Advertiser that ‘several dangerous attacks of Cholera upon some of the mst prominent citizens of Rock Island and vicinity’ occurred on Tuesday last [Aug 21]…”

[52] Noted are 890 cholera deaths for the Summer and 422 for Fall. We do not use the 43 Spring or 25 for the Winter.

[53] Even though the high end of the range we tally from our sources is thirty-four above the figure of 1,312 derived by the Census for Summer and Fall, we choose to use that number as the high fatality given the variability within the sources – particularly the distinctions made between cholera deaths on one hand (130) and dysentery and diarrhea deaths on the other in Lafayette (430). That is a 300 person range in one locality, depending on inclusion or not.

[54] On the Ohio River.

[55] There is some ambiguity. Sutton notes 132 deaths of inhabitants from May 27-Aug 2. He notes previously, and afterwards, that 13 evacuees died elsewhere. It is not clear if these should be added to the 132 or not. We do not. Clearly, though, the May 19 death of a steamboat traveler who had been let off in Aurora, should be added.

[56] Transcription of Western Commercial, Aurora, IN. “Cholera – Its Disappearance.” 7-21-1849. Notes 109 deaths in Aurora, and 14 “Citizens of Aurora who died in the country.”

[57] A man who had landed at Aurora off a steamboat going to Cincinnati.

[58] Writes at page 116 that “We…lost, from the 27^th of May up the 2d of August, 132 of our inhabitants…” This appears to refer to the time-frame he considered the disease to have established a hold in the town, for he describes, at pages 111-112, the cholera death of man landed at Aurora from a steamboat. He had also noted earlier the death of a man in January off a steamboat, though he was not sure the death, with cholera-like symptoms, was cholera.

[59] A woman who lived about five miles below Aurora.

[60] A man who had recently arrived from Cincinnati – “he was suddenly attacked about noon with cholera, and died that evening between 9 and 10 o’clock.”

[61] Amongst this number was Dr. Sutton’s 5-year-old son. Dr. Sutton had been ill with cholera earlier. He notes that “nearly al the cases that occurred this day were among children.

[62] Leaves off with daily numbers between June 16 and 21 and simply notes “Deaths continued to occur daily among the inhabitants that remained.” Thus, at least four people, probably several more, must have died during this period.

[63] May have been others. Dr. Sutton notes that a man and his wife, who were his nearest neighbors died on the 21^st.

[64] Relays report of Dr. J. W. Conway, of Taylorsville, that “cholera prevailed…to some extent in 1849…”

[65] The number is ours. What Sutton writes is that “Dr. Haymond, of Brookville…informs me that in 1849 and 1850, cholera prevailed to a considerable extent in that town. In 1849, the disease appeared about the 4^th of July and disappeared about the 7^th of August. The first person attacked in 1849, he informs me was a German boy who had not been absent from Brookville. The disease…was principally confined to the German population.” Another source (Biographical and Genealogical History of Wayne, Fayette, Union and Franklin Counties, Indiana {Vol. II, 1899, p 1010}, in a short bio. of James Hammond, of Brookville, writes that “During the great cholera epidemic of 1849, he was a blessing in numerous homes, nursing and caring for the sick, and aiding in the burial of the dead, only one family in his neighborhood being exempt from the scourge.” It would seem there were at least several deaths.

[66] Sutton writes that Mr. Swanega “was attacked with diarrhea [while in Aurora] and went to a friend of his who resided about six miles from Aurora, in a very secluded situation. In the afternoon he ate some mulberries – that night he was attacked with cholera and died. The next day, another person residing at the same house was attacked and died; and on the third day another relative died from this disease…” [I have included Swanega death in Aurora.]

[67] Sutton writes that Mrs. “W” had been attended the sick in Aurora before evacuating to the countryside. “She left on the 14^th, unwell with diarrhea, and went to her relatives in the country – that evening she was attacked with cholera, and died during the night. In a few days after, a child and a young man residing at the same house were attacked and died; then her brother and his wife were attacked, but they recovered; then another brother and his wife, also two of his neighbors; then the brother-in-law – all of these died. There were ten cases and eight deaths…”

[68] Cites Dr. H. W. Beck, of Delphi. Appears that all the deaths were in one family. Neighbor visited Lafayette.

[69] Identified death was a Dr. Taylor, who had been treating cholera victims, thus one might suppose other deaths.

[70] Identified death was a Dr. Sherry, who had been treating cholera victims, thus one might suppose other deaths.

[71] Cites Dr. Lomax of Marion to effect of presence in Grant County in July 1849, though “generally mild, but in two localities [where] it assumed a more malignant form, and there were some five or six deaths in each; the patients dying with symptoms resembling cholera.”

[72] “The first case was a gentleman who was attacked the day after his return from Cincinnati, where the cholera was at that time prevailing.”

[73] On the Ohio River. Population was 400 according to Daly.

[74] Rootsweb. “Hamilton and Allied Family Lines.,” 2-18-2010 update.

[75] Cites Dr. R. M. Welman of Jasper, and writes that “cholera appeared in this county in 1849 on the 28^th of June, and disappeared about the last of July….The number of deaths, in proportion to the number attacked, were, the first and second week, about two to three; after that time, one in five, or less.” We gather from the Find A Grave website that five members of the Dillin family who died in 1849 are buried in the “Dillin Cholera Cemetery.”

[76] Our number for the purposes of counting, based on: “Cholera appeared again in 1849, but with far less mortality than in 1835 [earlier it had been written there were “many” cholera deaths in Jeffersonville that year]. (Lewis C. Baird. Baird’s History of Clark County, Indiana. Indianapolis: B. F. Bowen, 1909, p. 102.)

[77] Dr. Sutton writes that Mr. Willcox “was attacked with diarrhea, and left Aurora unwell on the 2d of July. His wife, at the time, was just recovering from an attack of cholera, and was barely able to be removed. He went to one of his relations residing in Kelso township. In a few hours after his arrival, he was attacked with cholera and died. The disease then spread amongst the neighbors who attended him; and from them through the neighborhood, until within ten days there were 26 deaths – amongst the number was the attending physician, Dr. Sherry. I have been credibly informed that previous to the arrival of Mr. Willcox, there was no sickness in the neighborhood.”

[78] Cites Dr. McFarland of Lafayette to effect that “cholera made its appearance in that city on the 3^rd of July, 1849, and disappeared about the middle of September. He says that the first case that occurred was a man who had just arrived from Louisville, Ky., where the disease was then prevailing, and the next case, and succeeding cases, were traceable to it….About one-fifty of those attacked, died, and very few if any recovered who passed into the collapsed stage of the disease….The total number of deaths at Lafayette from cholera, were one hundred and thirty; but during the prevalence of cholera, and after it had subsided, dysentery and diarrhea prevailed as an epidemic, and from these diseases, in addition to those produced from cholera, there were over 300 deaths.”

[79] The cholera survey conducted by the Indiana Medical Association (1853) reported 300 deaths in Lafayette in 1849 from “diarrheal diseases.” Daly 2008, “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley of America.”

[80] We omit here and for other dates deaths of infants from “cholera infantum.”

[81] On the Ohio River.

[82] Transcription of article from the Lawrenceburg Union Press, IN. “The Cholera. A Review of the Epidemic as it Raged in Dearborn County in Former Years.” 5-10-1866. Appears to derive from 1853 Sutton report (p. 127).

[83] “Dr. A. B. Casterline, of Liberty, writes to me ‘that cholera prevailed in that town and county, in 1849, during the months of July and August….” He states, ‘that when the intemperate were attacked, it was nearly always fatal. It occurred mostly among persons of middle ages, both sexes were equally attacked.’….In reference to the number of deaths in proportion to the number of cases, he thinks there were about fifteen out of two hundred….”

[84] Rosenberg writes that “Madison, Indiana, suffered eight to fifteen deaths a day for several weeks.” I have “translated” “several weeks” into 21 days and multiplied by the lower daily number “eight” to arrive at 168.

[85] Dr. Sutton notes, after noting Aurora deaths, that “other deaths occurred “in Sparta and Manchester townships…”

[86] Indiana State Sentinel, Indianapolis. “Cholera.” 6-14-1849, p. 1

[87] Wynne 1852, p. 28.

[88] Cites Dr. S. Ritter of Pleasant Garden, Putnam County, who cited a Dr. Brenton, “that twelve miles east of Pleasant Garden, at Mt. Meridian…cholera prevailed in 1849….that nothing like the disease prevailed until a couple of cattle drovers from Washington County, Pennsylvania, stopped there; both were attacked with the disease, and died the same day. The disease from these cases seemed to rapidly spread through the town and surrounding country.’” We note two deaths only because only two specific deaths are noted, though it appears there were more.

[89] Population 250 at the time according to Daly.

[90] Dr. Sutton, in his report, writes “There were amongst the inhabitants of the town and its immediate vicinity, between twenty and thirty deaths.” (1853, p. 129)

[91] On the Ohio river opposite Louisville, KY.

[92] “The diary of Dr. Asahel Clapp of New Albany, Indiana (further downstream), records that he cared for 34 patients who died of cholera between June and September, 1849.” (Daly 2008, “The Black Cholera…”)

[93] Cites Dr. J. Sloan to effect “There were, in 1849, one hundred and twenty cases reported, and forty deaths – probably the number is too great.”

[94] “A traveler left Cincinnati during the epidemic in 1849, and, after one or two days’ journey, stopped at a hotel in New Boston, Indiana. On the following morning he found himself too unwell from diarrhoea to pursue his journey, and so remained at the hotel about a week, most of the time keeping his room. He got better and left. A week afterwards, Cholera broke out at this house and spread through the village with appalling rapidity. Most of the citizens fled, but some twenty or thirty died, notwithstanding.”

[95] Cites The Richmond Palladium of 9-12-1849, which cited the Richmond Board of Health.

[96] “Two quack doctors, of Richmond, Indiana, hastened to the ill-fated town [New Boston, IN] for the purpose of arresting the pestilence. They soon left, however, satisfied of the fruitlessness of their efforts; and subsequently both had Cholera, one of them dying. The wife of one of them sickened, and, we believe, died. During the illness of these individuals they, of course, had occasional visits, and the disease soon prevailed in Richmond and vicinity, with eight fatal cases as a result.”

[97] Diannero has transcribed an article from the Lawrenceburg Union Press, IN. “The Cholera. A Review of the Epidemic as it Raged in Dearborn County in Former Years.” 5-10-1866. The article notes that cholera first appeared on June 14, deriving from a man returning from Cincinnati “where he had the day before buried his father and brother who had died of cholera.” He “died after four hours illness.” Mentioned are a number of people “attacked” but not made clear if they survived or died. We count only those noted as fatalities. The attempts to note those attacked of killed end with the statement “The disease then spread through the neighborhood; people were continually arriving from Aurora, unwell with the cholera, and it became difficult, the Doctor [Ashbaugh] says, to trace the connection between the cases that occurred….” The above mentioned Lawrenceburg Union Press 1866 retrospective appears to derive from Dr. George Sutton’s “A Report to the Indiana State Medical Society…” p. 126.

[98] Sutton writes: “Near Versailles, cholera also made its appearance. A man by the name of Ireland, who resided a few miles east of Versailles, visited Aurora at the time cholera was prevailing in this place, on the 6^th of July, 1849. The day after his return home, he was attacked with cholera and died. The day following, another one of he family was attacked and died; and cases continued daily to occur until nine of the family died. Several of the neighbors were attacked; and one who had been in attendance on this family died.”

[99] “In July and August, 1849, out of a population of less than one thousand, there were one hundred cholera deaths; and the disease was only arrested by the absolute dispersion of the people, who fled in all directions.”

[100] J. A. Scudder. “Account of the Epidemic of Cholera at Washington in 1873,” pp. 386-387.

[101] These deaths were the result, according to Dr. Sutton, of “a large number of our [Aurora] citizens, many of them quite unwell…[going] to Wilmington, a little village containing about 250 inhabitants, two miles from Aurora.”

[102] 86 Summer deaths and 25 in Fall. Do not include 15 in Spring 1850 or 2 during the Winter.

[103] The dating is ours. What is written is that there were 12 deaths in Keokuk during the week ending the previous Thursday and 38 deaths for the last four weeks.

[104] Our guestimate of a number based on the statement: “The cholera came first in 1849. It first made it appearance among some Belgians brought here…just at the commencement of the California emigration….There were about eighty of them camped below town, and the cholera proved very fatal among them, and soon spread to other classes of the population and to Independence, Westport and other neighboring places.” Footnote 161, p.282.

[105] 1,259 were in the Summer and 611 in the Autumn. We do not include 97 in Spring (assuming it to be 1850), not 44 in Winter, assuming the Winter to cross from 1849 to 1850.

[106] Augusta is in the Ohio River.

[107] Rev. William Hume, Bank Lick, with charge of churches at Bank Lick and Crews Creek, after preaching [July 6] a “funeral sermon of one who died of the dread disease [cholera]…was seized by the fatal malady, and at 2 a.m. Sunday morning, July 9, he breathed his last.”

[108] Our number. What Collins writes is that there were a few deaths in Bowling Green, which we count as “3,”

[109] We have rather arbitrarily noted these deaths here – are referenced as an epidemic of “dysentery” by a local correspondent in Woodworth 1875, 314.

[110] Covington is located at the confluence of the Ohio and Licking Rivers.

[111] After noting these nine deaths Collins and Collins note “Many in the smaller towns and through the country.”

[112] “The cholera in this city was said to be increasing.”

[113] Decedent was John J. McCollum, age 56.

[114] Pyle (p. 67) writes that cholera entered Louisville, with population of 43,194, on 12-22-1848. It is on Ohio River. Wynne cites “my friend Professor Yandell” to the effect that population “may be stated at 50,000 souls.”

[115] The sources cited differ significantly. McClellan shows 45, Bell (in Wynne), 103, and Collins and Collins, 201. If one adds Bell/Wynne May number of 33 to Collins and Collins for June-July figure of 201, one gets 234. If the Bell/Wynne number of 20 deaths in early August in also added, one gets 254. Casting McClellan out as far from Bell/Wynne as well as Collins and Collins, we derive a low range of 103 for Bell/Wynne, and a high range of 254 by combining the time-ranges of Bell/Wynne to those of Collins and Collins.

[116] Early August is what we gather from statement “Two weeks after this [July 23-34 outbreak, or so it appears], another outbreak took place….About 20 deaths took place…”

[117] The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine. “Obituary.” Vol. 6, No, 11, Nov 1849, p. 356.

[118] Counting Summer (1284) and Fall (306), and not counting Spring (735, under assumption this was for 1850), nor counting Winter (602) under assumption that the winter overlapped between 1849 and 1850.

[119] Summer cholera deaths 371 and Fall, 72. Did not include 189 for the Spring (assuming it was 1850), or 183 Wtr.

[120] Summer (622) and Fall (180). Did not include 222 for Spring (assuming it was 1850), nor 175 for Winter, assuming overlap with 1850.

[121] Cites Fenner, Southern Medical Reports, p. 216.

[122] Cites Fenner, Southern Medical Reports, p. 216.

[123] The Cairo Delta, Cairo, IL, 5-31-1849, transcribed by Darrel Dexter in “Obituaries and Death Notices…[from].”

[124] “Its last appearance was attended by the following circumstances: Mr. Ayres, a respectable mechanic, of good habits, was working on a plantation three or four miles up the bayou, on which there had been no cholera; he was attacked with diarrhoea, had fourteen passages, then got on a horse, and rode to town; was almost exhausted when he arrived; began to vomit, and continued to purge until he collapsed and died. The next morning an old negro man who waited on him went into collapse without any known warning, and died. A female who came over to see Ayres was also attacked th same day; and the day after a man who visited the old negro; a fellow-servant of the old negro, was also attacked within ten days. During this period, other cases…occurred in different parts of the village, but there was only one death among these, and I suppose the cases seemingly traceable to Ayres, constitute at least one third of all the indisputable cases of cholera which have occurred since his death. Ayres died in a house the former inmates of which had been particularly afflicted by cholera in February. The owner was attacked there, but died in a different part of the town; and three out of his five servants had it in this house; one of them died. These attacks took place successively, and were traceable from one to the other.”

[125] Mr. Bibb’s statement: “The cholera appeared here about the 1s of May…The cholera lasted three weeks…at one…period there were 27 corpses in the houses at once; these victims had died within two days. The first cases were of the malignant form, the premonitory period being only of three or four hours duration…There were 330 on the place, nearly 300 were treated for cholera, 69 died, 9 collapsed cases recovered….”

[126] “There were 46 negroes, 10 were attacked, 7 died….The average time from attack to collapse was from half an hour to two hours.”

[127] Mr. Boatner, overseer, communication.

[128] Wynne credits a Dr. Booth report in Fenner’s Southern Medical Reports, no date.

[129] “This case [1^st] occurred on the 14^th of June; the patient died on the 15^th….Within three or four days…about 15 premonitory attacks occurred. Cases took place for four weeks. The last three cases died; no completely collapsed case recovered…13 died; there were about 190 or 200 on the place, very few escaped a slight attack…”

[130] “It is not known how the cholera reached here; every means were used to prevent its appearance; the negroes were not exposed to it; the first case occurred about the 1^st of February…The epidemic continued to break out at intervals up to the 12^th of August; at first it seemed to be mile, towards the last the cases were of the malignant form; there were 60 on the place; 45 were attacked, 10 died, 8 blacks and 2 whites….”

[131] “An Irishman visited two of my cabins at nigh, or a little before day, February 13^th, and vomited what was supposed from the smell to be liquor; he immediately went away, and was found some hours after in a state of collapse by the road-side. I had him carried to a shanty a mile back. The negro, in whose cabin he tarried the longest, did not have cholera at all. The other into whose house he went was among the first attacked. I was with the Irishman a good deal, and had some time subsequently only a slight attack. The negro who nursed him mostly, escaped entirely. From the shanty he was removed to Mr. Broux’s, an adjoining neighbor’s sugar-house, where he died. A good many of Mr. Broux’s negroes were about him; none of these were attacked. Mr. Broux was attacked with vomiting and purging next day, but he is subject to such attacks. February 13^th, at 11 o’clock in the forenoon, my foreman, who was one of my healthiest and strongest men and lived in the best cabin, was attacked. The Irishman had been in his cabin a few moments, but he had not touched or had anything to do with him. I had 41 negroes, 37 or 38 were attacked, 19 died; 6 men, 7 women, and 6 children. Two or three of these were infants; the others were from two to nine years old; only one collapsed case recovered.”

[132] “My negroes had not been exposed to the disease; they were attacked on the 13^th of January…The cholera raged here about one week, it was malignant; there were 55 on the place, 18 were attacked, 12 died.”

[133] Pyle (p. 67) writes that the date of entry of cholera into NOLA was December 11, 1848; pop. size: 116,375.

[134] Not used is our tally in that we think it possible, if not probable, that this figure includes the 1,616 cholera deaths reported for New Orleans in December 1848. Ellis writes that “blacks and immigrants” were the principal victims.

[135] It had barely disappeared [1848] when cholera entered again and carried off forty-one hundred. A month after its disappearance – in August, 1849 – the fever [Yellow Fever] returned; and when, at the end of November, it had destroyed seven hundred and forty-four persons, the cholera once more appeared; and by the end of 1850 had added eighteen hundred and fifty-one to the long rolls.”

[136] Apparently includes deaths in December, 1848 when the epidemic began, which, as noted on p. 199, were ~500.

[137] We subtract 500 in attempt to show just 1849 cholera deaths, in that we also have an 1848 cholera document.

[138] “During the month of December, four hundred cholera deaths were reported at New Orleans; in January, six hundred were reported, and the number increased each month until June, when the epidemic culminated in two thousand five hundred and odd deaths.”

[139] Chambers (2938, pp. 195-196) notes that the ship sailed from Havre with “groups of Germans, some of whom were from infected places in that country.” Another steamship, the Swanton, also Left Havre for New Orleans with German passengers from infected districts.

[140] Writes that cholera first “broke out” on the 13^th.

[141] Boston Post. “The Cholera.” 1-19-1849, p.2.

[142] Cites: Fenner, Southern Medical Reports, Vol. 1, p. 144.

[143] Writes that “The plantations in the immediate vicinity of New Orleans, and those on the Red River, as well as the town of Shreveport, were first visited by it [from passengers on steamboats out of New Orleans).

[144] Wynne/Key writes, after a communication with Col. Key: Thibodaux. – Colonel Key’s residence and negro quarters are two miles below Thibodaux, and the upper part of the plantation is connected with it by a series of dwelling houses. The first cases of epidemic cholera occurred here the 26^th of December, the last about the middle of October following. Its two principal attacks or visitations were from the 24^th of January to the 3^rd of February, and from the 2d to the 14^th of October. I learn from my books that cases occurred the last of May, the last of June, and the middle of July. The form of cholera was mild; two cases appear to have been malignant; the number of attacks and deaths are not known; neither were numerous.”

[145] The number “3” is an estimate we have made based upon the following statement: “The town of Trinity has been built up in a few years….In the spring of 1849 there were several cases of cholera through the country, many of which proved fatal…” Forshey. “On the Hydrography of…Miss. River…1850,”1851, 166.

[146] “The most fearful instance of mortality caused by the cholera that has ever come to our knowledge, says the Natchez Courier, occurred on the plantation of Mr. James Miller, Waterproof, La., during the past few days. We have been credibly informed that thirty-nine out of forty negroes on the plantation have died! The disease entirely baffled medical skill – medicine would not act at all – a hearty negro would be taken slightly ill, vomiting would shortly ensue, without any purging, and in two or thee houses the poor negro would be cold and dead.”

[147] Notes “No cases of cholera were reported by the Board of Health, yet four cases occurred, presenting such unequivocal symptoms of he disease, as to leave but little doubt as to its true nature. Wo of these occurred in a wretched tenement, in a very filthy condition, at the corner of Second and Gay streets, near the docks. The patients, a mother and son, both died; they were Germans….The fourth case occurred at Barnum’s hotel, the largest and most fashionable one in the city, in the person of a traveler; he died in 12 hours after his attack.”

[148] “1849….July. Cholera at Almshouse; 669 inmates, 155 cases, 86 deaths, but as soon as its source, a foul sewer, was discovered and removed, the disease ceased.”

[149] We are not including The American Date Book or Harper’s Book of Facts, in that both are out of a plausible range established by credible sources.

[150] Wynne notes a population of 138,788.

[151] “The number of deaths from cholera in Boston has been 611, viz., in June, 8; July, 52; August, 418; September, 133. Total 611. Of these 379 were Irish, and 69 of other foreign nations; total foreigners, 448; leaving 163 deaths among the native population.” Another Boston Post article notes that “The Cholera has made its appearance in nearly all the towns and villages in the vicinity of Boston.” (“Cholera,” 9-3-1849, p. 2, col. 2.

[152] Webpage has “Map showing cholera in Boston 1849. This epidemic ran its course from June 1849 to November 1849. About 700 cases and 611 deaths occurred. One physician wrote ‘the…cases of cholera were found chiefly among the foreigners, and that they were mostly intemperate subjects. The number of people in easy circumstances attacked with the disease was so small that they might almost be overlooked in the history of the epidemic…’ J. H. McCollom, “Observations on Cholera.” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, September 22, 1892. Cites as source: The Historical Medical Library of The College of Physicians of Philadelphia. Medical pamphlet collection.

[153] According to the Editor (Nathum Capen) of The Massachusetts State Record and Yearbook of General Information, 1850 (Vol. IV) this article was originally published in Dr. Smiths’s Medical Journal, published by David Clapp (does not indicate when). Credited for the information is one Mr. Simonds, the Boston City Registrar.

[154] Wynne notes of the 611 deaths “but 163 were Americans, and by far the greater proportion were from Ireland.”

[155] Thomas Crow, 19; Ellen Crow, 25; Wm. McDonald, 50; Bridget Ryan, 45; Ellen Ryan, 6; Patrick Hasson, 45.

[156] James O’Neil, 6, and Helen Ryan, 65.

[157] Writes that these were deaths reported to the registrar’s office and: “Of the eighteen, thirteen were natives of Ireland, one was of Irish parentage, one of France.”

[158] What is written is that “more than one hundred had sunk under the disease,” which, given the entire statement, appears to mean “died.” From this letter to the Editor: “Upon its firs invasion, the number of residents of this class [Irish] was supposed to be about 2500, and it was not until more than one hundred had sunk under the disease, that the select authorities even contemplated means to arrest its progress. With but a few exceptions, the symptoms were of the most fearfully distinct and fatal character, setting at defiance all the remedial agents of such vaunted power elsewhere, and usually terminating in five or six hours. During the period of six weeks, its violence was unremitted; commencing on the 21^st July…and terminating on the first of September. Our greatest number of deaths in one day, was fifteen. Although so rife among the Irish, but three cases from the Americans occurred, and these were in the immediate vicinity of the infected quarter.”

[159] “The Taunton Gazette of Tuesday morning [Aug 21] says that the excitement produced there by the occurrence of a number of cases of cholera last week [Aug 12-18] had in a measure subsided. From 500 to 1000 citizens left the town to escape from the pestilence, such was the general fright. The whole number of deaths has been but 14, and they ere all traceable to one locality called ‘the British block.’”

[160] George Carr, who had come to Worcester from Boston a few days earlier.

[161] Daly writes in “The Black Cholera Comes to Central Valley…” that there were 700 cholera deaths 1849-1851. The Harper Book of Facts (1895, p. 229) has 300, but this is probably a number confused with the 336 deaths reported in the city for July 15-Sep 15. Verhave shows 1,000 cholera deaths in Detroit “said to be carried by Dutch via Mississippi” in Table 3. “Major epidemics sweeping through the Nation, compared with local outbreaks in the Dutch colonies in Michigan and Iowa,” p. 30.

[162] Detroit Free Press (Burton). “Detroit in 1849.” 10-2-1910. Not the firs time we have seen probable cholera deaths attributed to drinking cold water.

[163] C. M. Burton, who wrote the retrospective, writes: “From this time there was, for many weeks, an official report printed in the daily paper giving the number of deaths, but not the names of the victims. The deaths were so frequent and the undertaking facilities so limited that coffins were frequently carried to the graves on ordinary drays. Towards the last people and papers outside the city began to complain that the official report was untrue, and that the number was much greater than was reported. Then the names of the people who died of the dreaded disease were given. It will probably never be known just how many died of cholera that summer. There were three cemeteries in use at this time, the Russel street cemetery, sometimes called the City cemetery…Elmwood cemetery and Mt. Elliott cemetery….In July, Bishop Peter Paul Lefevre, of the Catholic church, requested the council to prohibit further interments in this old cemetery [on Beaublen farm]. This petition was granted, and from that date the records of the three cemeteries above named will give the number of deaths in this city….”

[164] Burton notes This is an October summary of deaths during the three months ending Sep 15, from the sextons – there were 336 deaths in all. Thirty of the cholera deaths were “strangers left by boats.

[165] Burton writes: “The report for the week ending July 23 shows 62 interments…Of these 39 were cholera victims.

He notes: “This is something of a contrast to previous reports for in the City cemetery there were only 60 interments for the entire three months preceding June 16….not one died of cholera.”

[166] Cites Adriaan Keizer. “Adriaan Drenth’s History to the Present,” in Henry S. Lucas (ed.). Dutch Immigrant Memoirs and Related Writings, rev. ed., 2 vols. (Assen, the Netherlands: Van Gorcum, 1955; reprint, Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997), Vol. 1, p. 262.

[167] Cites Adriaan Hage: “After we had been in Grandville…the cholera broke out among us and within 36 hours fifteen people were brought to their graves…Three more…died so that in only a few days death claimed eighteen persons.” (“Adriaan Hage’s Experiences,” in Lucas, 1:338, 350, published in De Grondwet, 20 February 1912.)

[168] “….A letter from Jackson, Mich. to the Detroit Free Press, tells of the sudden death of eight persons, all in one family. The family consisted of nine persons, and all, save one (an infant) are dead! The name of the family was Cooper, and those deceased embraced Cooper and his wife, his father and mother, a son and daughter, and two boarders in the house, a brother and sister named Neil. The father and mother of Cooper, who were each about one hundred years of age, had just arrived from the East, on a visit to their son.”

[169] We do not include 183 Spring deaths, assuming this was 1850, nor 56 Winter deaths which overlapped two years.

[170] Not used in tally in that this number seems to exclude the large number of winter-spring deaths.

[171] “In 1849 the cholera visited Hermann, and caused great sickness and distress. The courthouse was turned into a hospital, and every suitable provision made for the comfort of the sick and needy.”

[172] Note “a cholera epidemic in 1849 prompted emigrants to bypass Independence for Westport [part of KC now].

[173] “April 21, the steamboat Sacramento landed a large number of cholera-infected emigrants at St. Joseph, Mo. She was rapidly followed by other boats, also infected.”

[174] Pyle (p. 67) writes that the date of entry of cholera into St. Louis, population 77,860, was 12-27-1848. A newspaper report of the time wrote that the population was less than 60,000. (Telegraph & Review, Alton, IL. “The Mortality in St. Louis.” 8-10-1849, p. 2; citing The Missouri Republican {St. Louis} of August 8). Wynne rites: “At the commencement of the epidemic the population of St. Louis was estimated at 70,000 (according to the census of 1850 the population was 85,000); but this number was reduced by July to 50,000.

[175] Highlighted in yellow to denote non-inclusion in our tally — cannot substantiate with other sources.

[176] At page 15 Wynne has 4,557 deaths. On this page he shows 4,041 additional deaths to other diseases besides cholera, for a total of 8,609.

[177] “The…deaths from…cholera during the year was 4,557; from other diseases, 4,046, making in all, 8,603.”

[178] An undated and un-sourced note in Roberts, just after presenting weekly deaths from Apr 24-Aug 6, is: “Since the first week in January last, from ten to twelve thousand deaths have occurred at St. Louis, from cholera and other diseases. This, in a population of 60,000 or 70,000, is a fearful record of mortality. The cholera has clung to no other city in the Union as it has to St. Louis. At the latest dates [?] the disease was rapidly subsiding in the city.”

[179] This is the same number Roberts (1850, p. 56) shows for the week ending April 30 for all interments.

[180] Not sure of the dates here. June 1 was on a Friday, thus could have been Friday, June 1 to Thursday June 7. If, though, the week was thought of as starting on a Monday (June 4), then this week would have been June 4-10.

[181] “This scourge visited Bergen Neck with singular virulence in 1849….The numerous deaths in this region all occurred within a belt of land running from New York to Newark Bay, not half a mile in width….The epidemic continuing, caused no little consternation among the inhabitants…[A] newspaper…announced ‘the twenty-third death by cholera within the compass of a third of a mile, and the forty-third within a mile and a quarter.’ Compared with…population of those places, the mortality here exceeded…statistics of St. Louis or Sandusky.”

[182] “Its second appearance was in 1849 [first was in 1832], the first case occurring in Camden in the middle of June. At that time the city had a population of nine thousand people, many of whom fled; yet between its advent and the commencement of cold weather, when it ceased, there were one hundred and nineteen cases and fifty deaths.”

[183] Wynne notes a population of 38,000. (page 44)

[184] Transcribed from the newspaper, and rearranged in alphabetical order, is “a list of the names of all the persons who died of cholera in this town, from the 30^th of May last up to the 10^th inst.” Paterson Intelligencer reports on cholera and list also found at pages 211-213 of: Records of the Township of Paterson, New Jersey, 1831-1851, compiled and edited by William Nelson (Paterson, NJ: Evening News Job Print, 1895).

[185] Our number: “In Winslow there were a number of deaths from cholera, but no account of them…preserved.”

[186] Counties of Cayuga, Chatauque, Clinton, Erie, Essex, Franklin, Genesee, Jefferson, Monroe, Niagara, Orleans, Oswego, St. Lawrence, and Wayne. (pp. 168-169)

[187] Counties of Albany, Columbia, Dutchess, Green, Kings, Orange, Putnam, Queen’s Rensselaer, Richmond, Rockland, Saratoga, Suffolk, Ulster, Warren, Washington and Westchester.

[188] Not including Spring (16), assuming these 1850, and not counting Winter deaths (47) due to overlap with 1850.

[189] Counties of Alleghany, Broome, Cattaraugus, Chemung, Chenango, Courtlandt, Delaware, Fulton, Hamilton, Herkimer, Lewis, Livingston, Madison, Montgomery, Oneida, Onondaga, Ontario, Otsego, Schenectady, Schoharie, Seneca, Steuben, Sullivan, Tioga, Tompkins, Wyoming, and Yates. pp. 176-177.

[190] Writes: From the 5^th of June, when he disease first manifested itself, until the 19^th of September, when I ceased to prevail as an epidemic, 834 cases occurred, and 332 deaths.” In a table which follows I is noted that there were two additional deaths in November, after none in October.

[191] Victim had arrived from New York the day before.

[192] Exact date not clear – man “seized on the morning of the 6^th June, at three o’clock, and died in three days…”

[193] Not used – out of keeping with figures from other sources noted herein.

[194] Pyle (“The Diffusion of Cholera…” Geographical Analysis, V1, Is. 1, 9-3-2010, p. 67) has pop. of 42,261.

[195] “…cholera was common along the line of the Hudson River Railroad, and at the small town of Canterbury (12 miles distant) twenty deaths…occurred.” (Cites in footnote 3: Report of Surgeon J. M. Cuyler, U.S.A.)

[196] “Table 2: Officially Recognized Entry Dates for Cholera: 1849 Epidemic,” p. 67 in Pyle.

[197] Cites: Dr. A. Clark, Lecture on Cholera.

[198] Chart entitled “The Conquest of Pestilence in New York City…As Shown by the Death Rate as Recorded in the Official Records of the Department of Health and Mental Hygiene,” cover page of: New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. Summary of Vital Statistics 2009 The City of New York. December 2010.

[199] Wilford notes that the population at the time was about 500,000.

[200] The 5,027 number refers to “Deaths by Cholera. Asphyxia.” The 7,848 number refers to “Total by all Bowel Diseases,” in chart titled “Weekly Mortality.” The column of deaths attributed to “Other Diseases of the Bowels” shows an increase and then a decrease that is similar to the rise and decrease of cholera deaths.

[201] “As wealthier residents fled to the country during the cholera epidemics, the disease was left to ravage the poor, mostly free blacks and Irish immigrants. Of the 5,017 who died during the 1849 epidemic, a full 40 percent had been born in Ireland.”

[202] Fatality count is for May 16 to end of July. Rosenberg adds a footnote that “many others died of cholera, though they were not diagnosed as such.” (p. 114)

[203] From 42 new cases, “a great increase of cases over yesterday’s report” [Board of Health].

[204] About 120 “inmates,” from which there were 44 cases.

[205] Population of about 400; 148 cases.

[206] Number is from J. D. Trask, “Physician to the County Poor House,” writing from White Plains, July 20^th to editor of the Eastern State Journal, White Plains, NY: “…Of the thirty-nine cases that have thus far occurred at this establishment, twelve have recovered, twenty-five have died, and two are yet under treatment. About one third of the above cases were inmates of the Lunatic Asylum.” (printed on July 20, 1849).

[207] Counties of Ashland, Ashtabula, Cuyahoga, Geauga, Lake, Lorain, Mahoning, Medina, Portage, Stark, Summit, Trumbull and Wayne. (pp. 200-201)

[208] Counties of Allen, Crawford, Defiance, Erie, Fulton, Hancock, Henry, Huron, Lucas, Ottawa, Paulding, Putnam, Richland, Sandusky, Seneca, Van Wert, Williams, Wood and Wyandot. (pp. 204-205)

[209] Counties of Carroll, Columbiana, Coshocton, Fairfield, Guernsey, Harrison, Holmes, Knox, Licking, Muskingum, Perry and Tuscarawas. (pp. 206-207)

[210] Counties of Auglaize, Champaign, Clark, Darke, Delaware, Franklin, Hardin, Logan, Madison, Marion, Mercer, Miami, Morrow, Pickaway, Shelby and Union (pp. 210-211).

[211] Counties of Athens, Belmont, Gallia, Hocking, Jackson, Jefferson, Lawrence, Meigs, Monroe, Morgan, Pike, Ross, Scioto, Vinton, and Washington. (pp. 212-213)

[212] Counties of Adams, Brown, Butler, Clermont, Clinton, Fayette, Greene, Hamilton, Highland, Montgomery, Preble and Warren. (pp. 216-217)

[213] “The cholera epidemic of 1849 resulted in a high number of deaths. In an account by Charles Boesel (1814-1885), he stated that from a population of about 700 people, there were 150 who died of the disease. Church records of St. Paul and St. Peter’s Churches indicate that 122 people died from St. Paul Church and between July 27^th and August 18^th, 50 from St. Peter’s. These were the only two churches in town at that time. A few of these deaths were attributed to scarlet fever, typhoid, or malaria, however the majority of the deaths were caused by cholera. These victims were buried in a mass grave in the village cemetery on Herman Street across from St. Paul Church (from “The Towpath” – April 1996, April 2006). An editorial note adds: “Research shows that 109 cholera deaths were recorded in the St. Paul records from 7/11/1849-9/9/1849.” Article goes on to note: “Stories from the past indicate Amsterdam died with the cholera epidemic in the summer of 1849 and the town was soon forgotten. The only remaining evidence of Amsterdam today is Amsterdam Road…” Editors note credits Kathryn Ann (Bering) Gilbert for original article.

[214] Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-13-1849, p. 2.

[215] “…at Cheviot, a small village six miles from Cincinnati…the first victim there was a man rather advanced in life…a son of this man lived in the city…his father visited him at least twice during that time, and we know that cases of Cholera existed in the neighborhood of the son’s residence…Within a few days after his death [the father], seventeen other persons sickened of Cholera, of which, we believe, fourteen died. The village did not, at that time, contain more than 150 inhabitants.”

[216] Pyle (p. 67) writes that the date of entry of cholera into Cincinnati, population 115,436, was 12-25-1848. Wynne shows a population of 116,108 (page 22).

[217] “The Asiatic Cholera.—This dreaded pestilence first visited the United States in 1832…The total number of deaths by it in Cincinnati was, as reported, 351. [The most fatal year of its visitation was in 1849, when out of a population of 116,000 the total deaths were 8,500. The deaths among the Germans and Irish were one in sixteen persons and among the Americans one in fifty-six. The causes of these results were doubtless owing to the different modes of living. The greatest mortality was in the hot month of July, yet great fires were made in some streets, but the disease went on with its fearful fatality and ‘the long funerals blackened all the way.’]” Perhaps, though, the reference to total deaths was not to cholera mortality, but to deaths from all causes. Dysentery, for example became epidemic, and could have been related to cholera, or actually cholera but mis-diagnosed as dysentery.

[218] “The worst epidemic to affect Ohio occurred in 1849. Eight thousand…in Cincinnati died in this epidemic…”

[219] “…the published reports of mortality are not to be relied upon…not much less than six thousand died of cholera during ’49. On page 25 Carroll writes that “The pest-house was also used for the admission of cholera patients. The cases received here were those occurring amongst the colored population. We are, however, unable to speak of the mortality at that point.” Nor does he specifically mention African American cholera deaths elsewhere, most of his attention being devoted to the high German and Irish morality. Thus the approximately 6,000 figure is an underestimation. Again not mentioning African American deaths, Carroll picks up his support for approximately 6,000: “Much greater dependence may be placed upon the statements of the Catholic clergy [than the Board of Health], for they know, almost to a certainty, the number of deaths among their people. I am informed by Bishop Purcell that 3000 of their number died from cholera in 1849; and this we can easily believe, when we remember a fact before given, that one church alone, lost 1300 during that year. The Protestant Germans, as I am credibly informed by one of their clergy, lost 1000 by the pestilence. Then come the Protestant Irish, Scotch, English, Welsh and French. The first four of these are, and were, quite numerous. It would therefore seem rational to suppose that among all of them, there were 1000 deaths; and it is certainly a moderate estimate to suppose that the same number occurred among our native population; so that we can not be far wrong in placing the mortality, in 1849, at 6000, or about one in sixteen of our whole population at that time, estimating this latter at 100,000.”

[220] Mitchell writes “The total number of deaths for the whole period of 1849 was estimated at six thousand.” This appears to be a reference to just cholera deaths in that just cited was Dr. George Mendenhall to the effect that there had been 4,114 cholera deaths between May 1 and August 30^th (out of 6,459 disease deaths for the same timeframe).

[221] Carter notes that Mansfield was Dr. Daniel Drake’s friend and first biographer, and that Mansfield “set about analyzing the deaths from cholera in Cincinnati in 1849 by social group, he found that from mid-April to mid-October, 4,700 of Cincinnati’s 116,000 inhabitants succumbed. One in sixteen Germans and Irish died, but only one in fifty-eight native-born American, English , Scotch, or Welsh…Mansfield believed the ‘inferior civilization of the Germanic and Irish elements in America’ was the most significant factor.” Carter cites: Edward D. Mansfield, Memoirs of the Life and Services of Daniel Drake, M.D. New York: 1975, pp. 220-222.

[222] Mendenhall notes 2,345 “Other Deaths” for a total of 6,459 deaths. He notes “the greatest mortality in a single month was from the 16^th of June to the 16^th of July; the number of deaths from all diseases being 2,475.”

[223] Cites Mendenhall and notes that there were approximately 6,000 deaths in all.

[224] “Cincinnati, Sep 3, 5 p.m. The board of health report 6439 deaths from May to August 30^th, of which 4113 were cholera. This mortality is estimated as being equal to one in 15 of the population. Dr. Harrison, Professor of Ohio Medical College died of cholera yesterday morning. He was attacked the previous afternoon.”

[225] “On the 20^th of January, the Board [of Health] reported that there had been about twenty fatal cases in the city, and that one third of these had originated here.”

[226] “On January 2^nd, seven cases of Cholera were reported. Of these, four were from a steamer direct from New Orleans…and one case was taken from the Wetzell, five days from Wheeling, and laying at our wharf two days before the occurrence of this case. The cases from New Orleans died soon after admission; the others lingered, but one or more died in a short time. The case from the Wetzell proved fatal in seven hours.” Carter (1992, p. 42) correctly has the name of the steamboat from Wheeling the Lewis Whetzel – see Way 1999, p. 284.

[227] Carroll 1854, p. 2.)

[228] “On May 11 the Cincinnati paper announced officially that the number of cases for the week ending with that date was 114, of which 32 had died.”

[229] Carroll (1854, p. 4) also notes this figure from the Board of Health, but notes his belief that it was in error. Indeed, at page 40, he references the 75 cholera deaths reported by the Board and writes: “Yet we know, from personal observation, that on a single street (Dublin), with a population of only two or three hundred inhabitants, 24 deaths occurred within that time, and that at the same time, not a few had occurred on Fifth. The Welsh too had suffered much before the 15^th of June, as well as the Irish connected with the river business. Indeed, all the time from the 10 of May, or earlier, we are sure that the malady was spreading with fearful rapidity, and that by the 15^th of June, the mortality was nearly as great as at any other time.”

[230] The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine. “Died.” Vol. 6, No, 6, June 1849, p. 196.

[231] Carroll notes that this was out of 3,618 deaths from all diseases for this timeframe, and that the cholera death number “does not…reach the actual number…by many hundreds.”

[232] These were interments; article notes 23 interments of persons dying from other diseases.

[233] “This week has been unusually fatal…Hearse drivers have scarce been allowed to unharness their horses….On Tuesday one hundred and sixteen deaths from cholera were reported…” Charles E. Stowe. Harriet Beecher Stowe, compiled from her letters and journals by her son Charles Edward Stowe, Chapter 5: “Poverty and Sickness, 1840-1850.” Accessed 3-20-2015 at: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2001.05.0181%3Achapter%3D7

[234] The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine. “Obituary.” Vol. 6, No, 8, Aug 1849, p. 260.

[235] Cholera death interments for the day; 42 burials from deaths from “other diseases.”

[236] Cholera death interments for the day; 60 burials from deaths from “other diseases.”

[237] Cholera death interments for the day; 67 burials from deaths from “other diseases.” Total, 154 (Roberts p.55)

[238] Notes nationality of deceased as: Ireland (49), Germany (44), England (14), America (11), Wales (4), Scotland (2), Holland (2), Norway (1), France (1), Isle of Man (1) and Unknown (1).

[239] No date is given for Dr. I.F. Taylor, age 28. Dr. Gard and Dr. Lathrop were 49; Gard died on 11^th and Lathrop on 14th. (Western Lancet and Hospital Reporter (Cincinnati). “Obituary Record.” Vol. X, No. 5, Nov 1849, p. 340.

[240] Notes as well that “an elderly man…residing in that section of the city known as Frenchtown, was also attacked on Friday night. He, too, had returned from Cincinnati with the symptoms of the disease in his system.” It is not noted if he died. (Burby, quoting from The Advertiser [Dayton weekly], May 22.)

[241] Reference to J. A. Kline, owner of the Kline House (hotel and boarding house), and an employee who had dug a ditch to drain the yard behind the Kline House.

[242] The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine. “Obituary.” Vol. 6, No, 8, Aug 1849, p. 260.

[243] The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine. “Obituary.” Vol. 6, No, 8, Aug 1849, p. 260.

[244] The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine. “Obituary.” Vol. 6, No, 8, Aug 1849, p. 260.

[245] The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine. “Obituary.” Vol. 6, No, 8, Aug 1849, p. 260.

[246] This is a likely transcription error, as is the next entry for “July 1,2 –13 deaths.” After several narrative paragraphs Burba begins to note burials at local cemeteries from July 3-8, but one can infer that all these deaths were due to cholera, though this point is not made clear. Thus, we do not include these numbers (see narrative).

[247] Listed on this Find A Grave website are the names and dates of death of 113 people who died of cholera in Preble County, the majority of whom in Eaton, it is noted. Many of the entries show a date of birth and cemetery. Written that “Most of the people were hastily buried in a mass grave and have no markers.”

[248] Notes population of 1,000.

[249] Notes that the population of Eaton was about 500, and that deaths represented one in twelve.

[250] See narrative section on Greasy Ridge, Ohio, below.

[251] Dr. Sutton reports deaths associated with death of an Aurora, IL, man (Anthony Kastner), who, after starting to become ill “was taken about 16 miles to the residence of his father-in-law, where he died in a few days after. Dr. Bowles, of Harrison, who attended him, writes me, that ‘the cases of cholera which apparently occurred as the result of communication direct or indirect, with Anthony Kastner, were in number 15, of which 13 were fatal, and 2 recovered – Kastner excluded…he died from the effects of cholera. The disease was confined to the Stewarts’ connections, that is the father-in-law’s, and with two exceptions, to his immediate neighborhood, which is located on the limestone hills between the Dry Fork and Miami river.” A look at the map indicates that Harrison, OH is about 16 miles north and somewhat east of Aurora. One can identity to the east of Harrison, both Dry Fork and the Miami River. We include Mr. Kastner’s death in those of Aurora and its citizens.

[252] The article notes that “The cholera took over 250 lives in a short time from Minster.” Another source writes that “In the summer of 1849, the town and township were visited by that dread scourge, the cholera. Within the two years following four hundred citizens of the township died. Theodore Dickman, then fourteen years of age, in the employ of a cabinet workman in Minster, was engaged during the prevalence of the epidemic in the manufacture of coffins. The pressing demand for boxes was so great that the exercise of the niceties of workmanship was impossible. The boards were planed on one side, and as fast as the boxes were made, were painted with a solution of lamp-black in whiskey, and rubbed down with a meat rind.” (Williamson, C. W. History of Western Ohio and Auglaize County. Columbus, OH: Press of W. M. Linn & Sons, 1905, p. 840.)

[253] Boston Post, MA. “Cholera.” 7-13-1849, p. 2.

[254] This refers only to five members of the Wehrman family — Frederick and Marie (Schoenfeld) Wehrman, noted in the Finke article, as well as three others noted by the editor of The Towpath, which reprinted the article originally published in The Evening Leader, St. Marys, OH, 10-16-1999. There was a cholera outbreak in New Bremen.

[255] “William B. Muchmore…1881. ‘When the Cholera raged in Piqua in 1849, he was the first to rush in and help.’”

[256] Carroll (1854, p. 35), writes: “A huckster left Cincinnati during the prevalence of the epidemic in 1849, and arrived, some hours after, at a point in Preble county, some thirty miles from town. During the following night he died of Cholera. A number of individuals saw him during his illness, and after death, and attended his funeral. Now we have been informed by Dr. Williams, then of Preble county, now of College Hill, that a hundred fatal cases of the disease could be traced to this one case; and that the pestilence spread over the country a number of miles from the point where it originated, extending to Eaton, the seat of justice, amongst other localities.”

[257] Wynne writes that “The population of Sandusky on the 3d of July, numbered 5,667 persons. This is the number also reported in Roberts (1850, p. 54, citing Mirror. It is then written, however, that “Owing to the absence of our citizens, the average since 1^st July cannot have exceeded 3,000.”

[258] Sometimes dates of deaths are noted. Small number (5) noted as dying elsewhere: Fremont (1, July 30), Monroeville (1, July 25 and 1 date not noted), Springfield (1, Aug 1), Urbana (1, July 29).

[259] Peeke writes “In the cholera year of 1849 the population of Sandusky was probably not over 4,000 people, more than one-half of whom left the city when the cholera was at its height…”

[260] Wynne, dating the first cholera deaths July 9 and noting that there were just 285 deaths, writes “that its mortality in 30 days amounted to about 18 percent.”

[261] The dating is our assumption based on Peeke’s notation that “On July 31, 1879, D. C. Keech calls attention to the day as the thirtieth anniversary of the day when the height of the cholera was reached and 103 died in three days, after which the pestilence abated.

[262] Same number is in Joel Roberts (1850, p. 53), citing Foster M. Follett of the Board of Health based upon “regular observation in each cemetery.” (10 Protestant and 9 Catholic deaths.)

[263] Seven in Protestant cemetery and seven in Catholic. Elsewhere we note that one death was “Bro. Humphrey Bromley” of Nachee Lodge No. 94 of the Oddfellows fraternal society. (The Ark, and Odd Fellows’ Magazine. “Obituary.” Vol. 6, No, 11, Nov 1849, p. 356.)

[264] Peeke cites the Sandusky Clarion of 11-22-1849 for this information.

[265] Notes population of 3,500.

[266] Our date: “Toledo papers of last Saturday report 11 new cases and 5 deaths of cholera, during the last 24 hours.”

[267] Writes that “Many people of Piqua and Troy were victims of this dread disease during its ravages in 1848-49.”

[268] Cites. Hardesty. History of Gallia County. 1882.

[269] A wagoner visited Cincinnati and both he and his wife died (he on the road and she at home, near Waynesville). A Waynesville physician visited the woman and “became ill of Cholera on his way home, and died very soon.”

[270] Western Lancet and Hospital Reporter. “Obituary Record.” Vol. X, No. 5, Nov 1849, p. 340.

[271] Counties of Berks, Bucks, Chester, Delaware, Lancaster, Lebanon, Lehigh, Monroe, Montgomery, Northampton, Pike, and York (pages 222-223).

[272] Counties of Alleghany, Armstrong, Beaver, Butler, Cambria, Clarion, Clearfield, Crawford, Elk, Erie, Fayette, Greene, Indiana, Jefferson, Lawrence, McKean, Mercer, Potter, Somerset, Warren, Washington, Westmoreland and Venango. (pages 224-225).

[273] Counties of Adams, Bedford, Blair, Bradford, Carbon, Centre, Clinton, Columbia, Cumberland, Dauphin, Franklin, Fulton, Huntingdon, Juniata, Luzerne, Lycoming, Mifflin, Montour, Northumberland, Perry, Schuylkill, Sullivan, Susquehanna, Tioga, Union, Wayne and Wyoming (pages 228-229).

[274] Sullivan writes that one history had the Birmingham cholera death toll at 150-200 which he thought was probably half the real death toll. 150 as the minimum number of deaths. His doubling of that which would put the high mortality estimate at 400 seems too much a guesstimate. We thus use the Boston Post high range of 300 for our high range. In that this number only applies to the village of Birmingham across the river from Pittsburgh, which surely experienced more cholera deaths than the four we show, this does not appear to us to be an unreasonable high range for the greater Pittsburgh area.

[275] Birmingham is characterized by Sullivan as a “predominantly German borough…on the city’s [Pittsburgh] south side.” Wikipedia notes that today’s Pittsburgh “South Side” “was originally the village of Birmingham that was annexed to the city in 1872…[and] settled primarily by German then later Eastern European immigrants who came to Pittsburgh to work in heavy industry.” (“South Side (Pittsburgh).” Accessed 2-23-2015.)

[276] This is Sullivan’s estimate.

[277] “A respectable physician in Birmingham, Pa., opposite Pittsburgh, states that during the prevalence of eh cholera in that borough and suburbs there have been between two and three hundred deaths. As far as he has had personal means of ascertaining correctly, there have died 170 Germans, 10 English, 12 Irish, 10 or 12 Welsh, and only four or five American born.”

[278] Does not cite source – writes “One history estimated that between 150 and 200 persons died in all, but the figure probably was at least double that.”

[279] “They all happened in three houses, and most of the subjects lived in a very dirty condition.”

[280] Wynne has the population at 450,000 (1852, page 46.)

[281] Out of a total mortality, same timeframe, of 4,770, 550 of which were cholera infantum, 67 were cholera morbus, 159 were ascribed to diarrhoea, 447 were ascribed to dysentery, 95 were ascribed to inflammation of stomach and bowels, and 35 were due to other diseases of the stomach and bowels. Wynne writes “it will be seen that during he prevalence of cholera, affections of the bowels of all kinds having an analogy to this disease were greatly increased and more than usually fatal.” (p. 51) On page 52 Wynne presents a table showing a doubling to tripling in 1849 to deaths from dysentery, diarrhoea, cholera morbus and cholera infantum. In 1846 the numbers were dysentery (37), diarrhoea (55), cholera morbus (12), and cholera infantum (272), for a total of 376. In 1847 the numbers were dysentery (87), diarrhoea (83), cholera morbus 15) and cholera infantum 367, for a total of 552. In 1848 the numbers were dysentery (163), diarrhoea (63), cholera morbus (25), cholera infantum (388), for a total of 639. In 1849 the numbers were dysentery (337), diarrhoea (137), cholera morbus (62) and cholera infantum (512) for a total of 1,048.

[282] “…for the same period of time [May 30-Aug 18], the weekly bills of mortality [as opposed to the daily reports] published by the Board, exhibit the total number of deaths from cholera to have been 1012.” (American Journal of the Medical Sciences)

[283] Cites: Philadelphia Board of Health, Sanitary Committee. Statistics of Cholera: with the Sanitary Measures Adopted by the Board of Health Prior to, and During the Prevalence of the Epidemic in Philadelphia in the Summer of 1849, Chronologically Arranged, Prepared by the Sanitary Committee, Approved by the Board, and Ordered for Publication, October 10^th, 1849. Philadelphia: King & Baird, Printers, 1849, 62 pages.

[284] Noted in American Journal of the Medical Sciences editorial review of the Philadelphia Board of Health Sanitary Committee’s report: Statistics of Cholera… 1849. In the Narrative section below we will note some of the problems the editors have with the Philadelphia Board of Health report.

[285] Wynne characterizes these as “of doubtful character.”

[286] “…she had been attending on a patient sick with the disease” in Providence. Became ill after returning home and “died in eight hours.”

[287] “The first of the cases reported in Cranston was in a man who had been taking care of a patient in Providence, and was attacked suddenly soon after going home; he died in about two days.”

[288] Chairman Parsons notes in his report there was in increase in “interments from diseases akin to cholera…” notably Cholera Infantum, Cholera Morbus, Diarrhoea, and Dysentery. There were 163 such deaths, which we show in a table following Providence entries. We suspect some of these were mis-diagnosed and were probably cholera.

[289] This and entries below are in a letter to the Editor from Usher Parsons, chairman of Committee appointed by the Rhode Island Medical Society to report on cholera outbreak in 1849, based on “materials…obtained from a summary of deaths in Providence, prepared by Dr. G. L. Collins, from communications written or verbal, furnished by Drs. Allen, Eldridge, Clapp, Olney and Bullock, and from the minutes of the Secretary of the Committee , Dr. C. W. Parsons.” This first case died about eleven hours after onset.

[290] Parson, Usher. “Cholera at ‘Providence’ and other Places.” Appendix (C.) to the Report of the General Board of Health on the Epidemic Cholera of 1848 & 1849. 1852, p. 65.

[291] Summer (527), Autumn (209). D not include Spring (45) assuming this was 1850; nor 29 for Winter ’49-‘50.

[292] Chambers (1938, p. 212) notes several cases. A letter by Jas T. Crary to Adam Fergusson, writing from Gallatin on June 27, 1849, notes that cholera had hit Gallatin very hard. (Tennessee: A Documentary History)

[293] Appears to be a rounding up, perhaps from National Board of Health number of 396, which we prefer to use.

[294] Our number based upon: Cholera….Third epidemic in 1849; estimated number of cases about 1,200 in a population of less than 8,000; particularly severe among river boatmen and the foreign population in ‘The Pinch’; mortality said to have been about 33 per cent.”

[295] Note that 21 people died of cholera from July 1-15 when the table on deaths ends. There surely were more.

[296] Not used in that it is not in keeping with Ellis and the National Board of Health figures.

[297] Chambers (1938, 212) writes there were 20 cholera deaths in one day in mid-June.

[298] Pyle (p. 67) notes a population of 10,165. McCall writes “it may be 21,000” including suburbs.

[299] Our number based on: “From this time cholera gradually increased; several more deaths occurred in this family, and in the immediate neighborhood.”

[300] Our number based on: “The force of the disease seems to have been spent upon these two neighborhoods, but several deaths occurred in the heart of the city…”

[301] Described as first outbreak which “ceased the 20^th February, during which time 1050 cases occurred, of which 53 terminated fatally. Again, on 12^th March it began.”

[302] Was the second outbreak. Notes there were “500 patients.”

[303] Described as third outbreak: “On 17^th May it was renewed, and during the last 13 days about 300 cases have appeared, with 33 deaths…”

[304] That the 20 of the last 24 hrs., writing on 15^th should be added to the 70 from the previous eight days is based on: “Nashville, June 15^th. During the last eight days about 70 deaths and 500 cases of cholera, in Nashville and the suburbs, have occurred, and in the last twenty-four hours 150 additional cases with above 20 fatal cases.”

[305] It is clear from the dating of this last entry (June 15) that cholera was again prevalent with 20 deaths that day: “All classes of persons are now attacked and no one can say when the pestilence will be stayed. Around the public burying ground, and along the streets leading thereto, the disease is epidemic and with great tenacity adheres to any house in which cases of disease appeased on its first accession last January. It spreads along the roads which extend from the infected parts of the city and the whole population have taken a panic at finding, as they suppose, that contagion extends the disease, contrary to the general opinion of physicians.” McCall, concludes, on page 100 with: “Six o’clock, evening. – Mr. Polk is dead [recent President James K. Polk] – twenty-six buried to-day, and nine or ten more waiting burial – great agitation and alarm among the people. Supposed two hundred new cases to-day.”

[306] Written that cholera was epidemic in Sumer County in 1849 by Dee Gee Lester, “Sumner County,” The Tennessee Encyclopedia of History and Culture (Version 2.0). Published 12-25-2009, last update 2-28-2011.

[307] “Closely following …[the] attack upon our soldiers at Port La Vaca, we find the cholera at Brasos [sic,] Santiago, a small island….At the time the Cholera manifested itself here, there were some two hundred people upon the island; nearly all of whom suffered from this disease, and more than one half died!!” Another source, Dan L. Fisher, in Early Southwest Ornithologists, 1528-1900 (University of AZ Press, 2001, p. 72) writes: “In the Spring of 1849, Assistant Surgeon Ebenezer Swift (1819-1885) transferred to Brazos Santiago, where a cholera epidemic had started and was spreading to many parts of the southern Texas frontier. After enduring this dreadful experience, he remarked that as ‘the flowers of the field, men faded away.’” This gives the impression of many fatalities.

[308] Our guesstimate in order to tally, derived from: “Brownsville was made county seat of the new Cameron County on January 13, 1849…Within a short time the town’s population – swollen by refugees from Matamoros and Forty-niners taking the Gila route to the gold fields of California – had increased to more than 1,000. Despite a cholera epidemic in the spring of 1849 that reportedly killed nearly half the population, the town continued to boom.” We are unwilling to assume that upwards of 500 perished, though conceivable, and scale back to about 100.

[309] Corpus Christi Star, TX. “Cholera on the Rio Grande.” 3-17-1849. Transcribed by Scott Grayson, 2007. Paper notes that “Col. C. was Secretary of the Navy during the administration of President [TX] Lamar…”

[310] Lieutenant J. H. McRae, 3d U.S. Infantry, “The Third Regiment of Infantry” (Historical Sketches U. S. Army). Journal of the Military Service Institution, Vol. XVI (16), No. LXXV (75), May 1895.

[311] Dr. Trevitt, a surgeon with the U.S. Army writes: “At Fort Brown, (Brownsville), the first port above the mouth of the river [Rio Grande], and opposite to Matamoras [Mexico], the fatality was not less than at the places before named [Brazos Santiago and Port Isabel, where he wrote that more than 100 people died in each place]….” In that Dr. Trevitt, in the letter quoted in Carroll, focuses, though not exclusively, on military losses and in that he writes “At Fort Brown” we feel comfortable listing Fort Brown separately from Brownsville. The Brownsville entry above focuses upon the civilian population and seems to state that upwards of 500 people died of cholera there, though we used the number 100, in order to be conservative.

[312] James A Gates. “Gates-L Archives…Gatesville, Texas.” 12-29-2009. Notes he died “in a cholera epidemic.”

[313] Gillespie County, Texas Genealogy, under “History,” notes “A cholera epidemic in 1849 took a heavy toll of the early settlers.”

[314] Our number, which is a guestimate based on: “…in the fall of 1846 and again in 1849 cholera broke out and the number of dead was so overwhelming they had to be buried in unmarked graves.”

[315] Our number in order to contribute to tally based on: “Cholera At Houston – The Presbyterian of last Saturday [Jan 27] contains the following notice upon this subject. The independent and candid manner in which that paper speaks in regard to the matter contrasts favorably with the desire to conceal and mislead which appears in some other quarters. ‘When our paper went to press last week, it was thought that the Cholera had almost disappeared in our city; but on Sunday [Jan 21?] it had appeared with more violence than it had been at any previous period. Several deaths occurred on last Sabbath, and a few new cases and deaths since that time. The return of this disease to our city, proving fatal with some of our citizens who were altogether temperate produced quite a panic in our midst and may have been the cause of many exaggerated reports in the country….’”

[316] Early in year was epidemic according to Massie, published in April.

[317] Find A Grave. “Clement Norton Bassett.” Record created by John R. 11-26-2010.

[318] “The Victoria Advocate, of the same date [March 30], reports that the cholera had re-appeared at Indianola; and that Capt. H. H. Rodgers and one of his children had died at that place. (Texas Democrat, Austin. 4-7-1849, 1/11.) Another source notes that “there had been an epidemic of cholera at Indianola, Texas,” citing an April 6, 1849 newspaper account. (Paul N. Jewett. The Mob and the Flock. 2010, p. 9.) Yet another writes that “many at Indianola” died of cholera in 1849. (Lewis Publishing Co. Memorial and Biographical History of Dallas County, Texas. Chicago: 1892, p.745)

[319] “The Western Texian gives the following extract from a letter written at Laredo…: ‘The Cholera has swept like a whirlwind over Laredo, leaving scarcely a family that is not in mourning. It raged for twenty days and then began to disappear although it still lingers, there being a case to-day. About 200 Mexicans have died. The company of the 1^st Infantry stationed here lost 8 our of 90, and a company of emigrants styled the ‘Essex Mining Company.’ From Boston, buried five of their number here, and I much fear will lose more on their route…’ This letter confirms the report relative t the loss of Capt. Burbank’s men by cholera, published in our last.”

[320] “We regret to learn from the Lavaca Journal of the 30^th ult. [previous month] that several cases of cholera had appeared at Lavaca during the week previous. Of those attacked, four or five had died…We notice that the wife and child of Dr. Cronkrite and Mr. G. S. Peacock and two negroes of Mr. Troy, had fallen victims.”

[321] Dr. Wm. Trevitt, a surgeon with the U.S. Army engaged with Mexico in 1849, writes: “At Point Isabel…[t]here the Cholera was not less prevalent, and was equally fatal as at Brazos Santiago.” [He had written that “more than one half” of “some two hundred people upon the island,” had died of cholera.] In addition, Gamboa and Castoreno, in “Texas Small Town History Project, Palo Alto College… Port Isabel, Texas,” write that Point Isabel “suffered from a major outbreak of Cholera, which took several years to recover.” Also, in TexasEscapes.com. “Port Isabel, Texas.” It is written: “1849: Cholera epidemic occurs,” in: “History in a Seashell: A timeline of significant events.”

[322] On the 1st of December, the Eighth United States Infantry arrived at New Orleans, on its way to Texas. The regiment was placed in the barracks, four miles below the city, and there remained until the 12th, when they embarked upon the steamers Telegraph and New Orleans. On the 18th they reached Port Lavacca, but the men were not landed until the 20th. On the night of the 21st a case of cholera occurred in camp, when one battalion, under Major Gates, marched twelve miles into the country. The other battalion, under Major Morrison, remained in Lavaca; during the night a cold storm came on, and by daylight there were four deaths from cholera among the troops in town, and many new cases. The same night the disease broke out in Major Gate’s camp, and during the epidemic one hundred and twenty-eight men of the regiment died of the disease. Many women and children belonging to the regiment died of the disease.” (McClellan. “…Cholera…” 1875, 615.)

[323] Pvt. William Cochrane, March 15, 1849, and Pvt. Jonathan Collins, March 10. [Fort Ringgold looked over the Rio Grande and Rio Grande City.]

[324] During one night amongst group of ‘49ers apparently spending the night in Rio Grande City, where cholera had broken out. (The Texas Democrat, Austin, “From the Rio Grande.” Vol. 1, No. 11, Ed. 1, 4-7-1849, col. 4.)

[325] A newspaper article entitled “Cholera Phenomena at San Antonio.” Writes: “A gentleman, who has resided a long time in San Antonio and who witnessed the late epidemic in that place, informs us that the water of the San Antonio river, which is celebrated for its purity, and could at any other time be used after standing several days, was unfit for use during the prevalence of the cholera, when kept a few hours. In less than half a day a vessel filled with water from the stream emitted an offensive small similar to bilge-water….” (Texas Democrat, Austin. 6-23-1849, 1)

[326] Cites The Baltimore Sun.

[327] “The cholera epidemic of 1849 lasted six weeks and killed at least 500 people by May, according to the Texas State Historical Association. According to Promises to Keep, a history of the Sisters of Charity of the Incarnate Word inn San Antonio, the death toll reached 600 by the epidemic’s end, out of a population of 5,000. The lack of an actual hospital in San Antonio contributed to the mass deaths.”

[328] In article entitled “The Cholera at San Antonio” it is noted that this is a marked decrease from previous week.

[329] Summer (612) and Autumn (152). Do not count Spring (18) assuming it 1850, nor Winter (11), 1850 crossover.

[330] “Mrs. Jones has lost 14 servants on her plantation in Gloucester, Va., and the rest are sick of cholera.”

[331] In Pyle, p. 72, it is written that the cholera began in Norfolk on May 30, with a population of 14,326.

[332] We know that cholera was prevalent given title of document by John R. Chappel of Petersburg on “Cholera as it prevailed in Petersburg, Va., 1849.” The Boston Post on July 12 (p.2) cites the Petersburg, VA, Intelligencer, of July 7 to effect that ‘the cholera has materially subsided her.’”

[333] “In late May, 1849 the Virginia legislature reconvened, though their work and discussion was often interrupted by the fears regarding the Cholera outbreak affecting the region, especially Richmond where the legislature met. After much discussion and debate on whether it was necessary to leave, the legislature decided to move to the Fauquier Springs Hotel (though more like a country club) near Warrenton Virginia, to continue their meetings.” (History Engine. “Cholera Epidemic.” 2008-2009, the University of Richmond.)

[334] Though our locality tally is 7, from identified deaths, based on notes that cholera “raged” in Charleston and that Charleston had a “severe visitation,” as well as a note that there was an outbreak in Moundsville, amongst railroad laborers, we believe that in all likelihood there were at least ten deaths and probably more.

[335] Miller and Maxwell write in West Virginia and Its People (Vol. 1, 1913, p. 203) that “In…1849, cholera raged in Charleston.” Hale writes in Trans-Allegheny Pioneers (West Virginia and Ohio) that “…in 1849, Charleston had severe visitations of the cholera.” (1886, p. 313.)

[336] Col. Dix had been traveling from New Orleans to Washington, DC. Had taken steamboat Telegraph to Wheeling, then stagecoach over Cumberland Road until he “was stricken with the scourge and at Hillsboro was removed from the coach to the inn, where that night he died.”

[337] From obituary notice: “In 1849 the Doctor [George William Bruce] attended cholera cases among the builders of the B. & O. railroad at Moundsville.”

[338] Had just returned from Cincinnati.

[339] “Milwaukee, Aug. 27, 2 p.m. the Board of Health report five new cases of Cholera in last 48 hours, and three deaths. The deaths are those of the wife of Henry Suppers, on Third street…2d Ward, George Henderson, Knapp street…in First Ward, and Michael O’Connor, a lad and son of Edward O’Connor, at same place.”

[340] For anyone who wonders how so many could have died, all it took was one person with cholera to contaminate a watering hole – popular stopping places along the trails. Then all those in all following wagon trains, in their thousands, would be at risk. Then new contamination would begin. Ava Fran Kahn in Jewish Voices of the California Gold Rush (2002, p. 106) writes that “The cholera prevailed all along the emigration line, and of he number in this train [carrying Louis Sloss], passengers and teamsters, about one hundred and sixty-five in all, forty-two died before reaching California, nearly all of cholera.”

[341] “…the disease reappeared during the Gold Rush of 1849. Historian George Groh wrote that ‘The gold rush was to cholera like wind to fire.’….The number of trail deaths is difficult to determine, however, there are estimates as high as 5,000 in 1849 alone. In 1850 the losses appear to have been greater. One Missouri newspaper estimated that along a stretch of the Overland Trail one person per mile died from the disease. Historian Merrill Mattes estimates the possibility of four graves per mile along the Platte River route.”

[342] “The trail also became a cemetery: cholera, a deadly intestinal disease spread by contaminated water, raced the 49ers up the Platte, taking hundreds, maybe thousands, of victims to their graves.”

[343] Gordon cites: J. S. Holliday. The World Rushed In: The California Gold Rush Experience. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1981, page 476, note 114.

[344] We believe that this figure is an under-estimation. A number of sources have written that “hundreds” died on steamboats just on the Mississippi. One example: “The decks of many steamboats on the waters of the Mississippi became charnel houses at an early period. Deaths occurred on boats both on their ascent and descent. Hundreds died and found graves in the sand, whose names were never after told…” (Carroll. Observations on the Asiatic Cholera…, p.2 (first printed in Western Lancet, June 1854.). On p. 7, Dr. Carroll writes: “Thus 10, 20, 30, or 40 sometimes died on a single boat between New Orleans and Cincinnati.”

[345] “Re-Appearance of the Cholera. The Baltimore Sun of the 16^th ult. [Nov] contains a telegraphic dispatch from St. Louis, dated the day previous, from which it appears that this dreadful scourge has again made its appearance. It broke out on the steamers Constitution and Hewitt on their passage between New Orleans and St. Louis, where they arrived on the 15^th ult. There were thirty cases of cholera and seventeen deaths on board the Constitution , and several cases of the same disease on board the Hewitt. The city authorities prevented both steamers from landing, and they were lying on the opposite side of the river. Since writing the above we have noticed an article upon the same subject in the N. Orleans Delta, in which it is stated that out of the seventeen deaths on board the Constitution, only twelve were from cholera; and that the deaths on board the Hewitt, amounting altogether to four, were not from cholera. From the latter source we learn that the passengers were composed of Irish, German, and English emigrants, from the holds of filthy ships, and that the disease was of a modified form – the patient surviving the attack two or three days. Among the passengers on the Constitution, were sixteen monks from Milrey Monastery, county of Waterford, Ireland, destined for Dubuque, or some point in that vicinity, six of whom fell victims to the epidemic.”

[346] Appears from the note that “On March 27, 1849, the Cincinnati Gazette reported the disease’s arrival in Louisville via steamboats from New Orleans including the Bride, the George Washington, and the Bell Key. Fifteen had died on the George Washington before her arrival at Memphis.

[347] Cites Lexington Observer and Kentucky Reporter, 1-6-1849.

[348] McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…North America.” 1875, 617.

[349] Our number, in order to tabulate, based on “The Millanger had several deaths of cholera on board during her passage up. Ohio State Journal.” Daily Sanduskian, OH. “Cholera in New Orleans.” 12-20-1849, p. 2.

[350] McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…North America.” 1875, 611. Notes that in addition to the fifty deaths, “A number of…passengers died subsequently of cholera at the marine hospital.”

[351] McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…North America.” 1875, 617.

[352] McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…North America.” 1875, 617.

[353] Cites Courier Journal, Louisville, 1-4-1849.

[354] There were other deaths: “The dead of this boat were thus buried coffinless all the way up, there being no plank on board and we suppose no carpenter.” (The Cairo Delta, 5-17-1849, as transcribed by Dexter.

[355] We cannot infer from “most” Lipan Apache killed, how many deaths that might have been, not knowing the population size, thus do not include. We use from the Waldman estimate of over two thousand Cheyenne deaths, the number 2,000. We explain in a footnote below why we do not use Englar for estimate of Comanche deaths. With misgiving (specific source not cited) we use Wikipedia number of 2,000 for Comanche and “allies,” which were noted as Kiowa and Wichita (which we do not have numbers for. This, thus far, totals 4,000. We assume the Schilz number of over 300 Penateka Comanche is included in the 2,000 Comanche and allies number we use. We use 500 for the over 500 deaths from the Omaha Tribe in Nebraska territory noted by Thornton – giving us 4,500. We use the range of over 1,100 to over 2,000 Pawnee deaths provided by Santoro (during the summer months) and Thoburn. This produces an overall range of 5,600 to 6,500. Given the tribes we have not noted and the blank figure for the Apache, we think this range supportable.

[356] “From 1849 to 1851 a severe cholera epidemic along overland trails struck the Apaches. Most Lipans perished. Survivors, harried by Comanches and Kiowas, eventually took refuge with the Mescaleros, who absorbed them.”

[357] “In 1849, the Cheyenne suffered from a devastating cholera epidemic, which killed as many as 2,000 of their people.” Grinnell, in The Cheyenne Indians (2008, p. 133), writes that “The cholera of 1849…decimated some of…[their] camps [and] may have had something to do with the breaking up of old customs [such as marriage].”John Reed Swanton writes in The Indian Tribes of North America (1952, p. 280) that “In 1849 they suffered severely in the cholera epidemic…” Carol Berry in “Native History: Sand Creek Massacre Devastates Tribes, Intensifies Warfare” (Indian Country, 11-29-2013), writes that “Before Sand Creek, the Cheyenne were still recovering from an 1849 cholera epidemic that killed nearly half the tribe…”

[358] We do not use this number in our attempt to tally fatalities in that it covers a three-year period and involves smallpox and cholera epidemics.

[359] “Cholera struck the Comanche in 1840. Comanche bodies could not fight these diseases [cholera and smallpox]. Between 1849 and 1851, about 8,000 Comanche died. The Comanche nation never regained full strength after these deaths.” [The note of 8,000 deaths appears to refer to deaths by disease.] Another source, Douglas V. Meed, in Comanche 1800-74 (UK: Osprey Publishing, 2003), writes that “In 1849 it was estimated that the Comanches numbered more than 20,000. Less than three years later, in 1851, their numbers had shrunk to fewer than 12,000.” (p. 28). The preceding paragraph concerned smallpox and cholera epidemics which had recently broken out.

[360] The number is ours. What is written, without citation, is “In 1849 a cholera epidemic among the Plains Indians killed thousands of Comanches and their allies.” To tabulate we assume “thousands” must be at least 2,000. Article notes that the Kiowa and Wichita were allies.

[361] Notes this took place “in a few weeks time.” Also took life of chief Santa Anna. Joseph Luther, in Fort Martin Scott: Guardian of the Treaty (2013, p.29), writes the same: “In late December 1849, a cholera epidemic killed more than three hundred Penateka Comanches in a few weeks’ time. Santa Anna was one of the victims…”

[362] “White diseases, especially a cholera epidemic in 1849-50, carried by travelers heading westward during the California gold rush, exacted a much heavier toll [than battles] on the Comanche.”

[363] “The principal events in the history of the Kiowa may be summarized as follows….1849 – Cholera epidemic.” At pp. 289-290 Mooney elaborates on the effect on the Kiowa “…during the great cholera epidemic that swept the country in the spring and summer of 1849, which was carried to the plains by the California and Oregon emigrants and by some of the tribes then in process of removal from the east. The Kiowa remember this as the most terrible experience within their history, far exceeding in fatality the smallpox of nine years before [see end of note]. It was a disease before entirely unknown to them, and was particularly dreaded on account of its dreadful suddenness, men who had been in perfect health in the morning being dead a few hours later. The disease appeared immediately after the sun dance, which was held on Mule creek…between Medicine-lodge creek and the Salt fork of the Arkansas, and, like the previous smallpox, it was brought by visiting Osage who attended the dance….Hardly was the dance over…when a man was attacked by this strange disease and died in a few hours; then another became sick and died as suddenly, and another, until in a few days the epidemic spread through the tribe, killing great numbers, including an unusual proportion of medicine-men. The Kiowa say that half their number perished during its prevalence; this is probably an exaggeration, but whole families and camps were exterminated and their tipis were left standing empty and deserted. Many in their despair committed suicide, but the survivors saved themselves by scattering in different directions until the disease had spent its fury. The tribes of the lake region and those which had been recently removed to Indian Territory generally escaped the disease, but among the wild tribes of the plains, from the Dakota to the Comanche, the ravages of the cholera during this season were as awful as among the white population of the eastern states.” Mooney does not provide a figure for the Kiowa mortality from the 1839-40 smallpox epidemic by which we might determine the mortality from the 1849 cholera epidemic. He simply notes (p. 274) that “The Kiowa were ravaged by the smallpox…” He does note that “it seems probable that at least two thousand Pawnee perished (Clark, 14)” from the smallpox epidemic.

[364] Cites Berthrong to the effect that the Pawnee ‘were swept off like chaff before the wind.’

[365] “The Pawnee suffered greatly by several smallpox epidemics, over two thousand dying during the year 1838 alone. In 1849 they were attacked by a plague of cholera, which caused even a greater loss of life.” In addition, Michael Marchland writes in “The Historic Indians of Kansas” (Tales Out of School, Oct 1993, Center for Great Plains Studies, Emporia State University (KS), that the Pawnee…suffered terribly from diseases introduced by the swelling white population. Especially severe was the cholera epidemic of 1849, which reduced nearly all the Plains tribes, in some cases by two-thirds their former size….” James Mooney writes in The Aboriginal Population of America North of Mexico (Smithsonian 1928, p. 13), that the Pawnee lost “about one-fourth” of their population. In Mooney’s Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians (Smithsonian 1898, p. 290) he writes that “The agent for the Pawnee states that up to June of 1849 twelve hundred and thirty-four persons, or nearly one-fourth of the tribe, had already died, and the disease was still making fearful ravages among them, while the survivors were in such dread of the terrible scourge that no persuasion could induce them to bury the dead, and within a short distance from the agency it was not unusual to find the unburied corpses partially devoured by wolves (Report, 79).”

[366] “Early in the epidemic the disease spread to the plantations of Louisiana…A plantation in the Bayou Teche became infected in January, and the disease spread to the adjoining localities. Saint Mary’s and La Fourche suffered severely.” (McClellan. “A History of the…Cholera…North America.” 1875, 615.)

[367] Though the number of slave cholera deaths is shown as 4,180, we are confident that slaves died during the census but were not counted, and that slaves died in 1849 before the period of time those who responded to the census-takers assumed was within the time-frame covered by the census. Nonetheless, we do not add 4,180 slave deaths to our tally, in that these deaths would have been covered within the State breakouts in the Census report, and thus would be double-counting.

[368] Writes that 10,000 slaves in the South had died from cholera. We do not use in that there is no indication of how this number was obtained, and in that it is generally the case that all such large round numbers are attempts to estimate the unknown.

[369] “Table V. – Sex, color and condition of those who died during the year ending June 1, 1850, with the causes of death.” (page 27). In that the census was for a year, most of the census-taking was during 1849.

[370] “At Brownsville the cholera had abated, but in Matamoros the mortality was very great – some say fifty and some seventy a day.” (Texas Democrat, Austin. “From the Rio Grande.” 4-7-1849, col. 4, at The Portal to Texas History.) Dr. Wm. Trevitt, a surgeon with the U.S. Army in Texas, in a letter quoted in Carroll (1854, p. 32) wrote: “…at Matamoras, where sixty or seventy died per day, till the city, numbering some ten thousand inhabitants, was, between death and flight, almost entirely depopulated.”

[371] There are three cholera classifications. We use only the first – “Cholera.” The other two are “Cholera infantum” (an acute noncontagious intestinal sickness affecting infants), and “Cholera morbus (gastrointestinal illness characterized by cramps and diarrhea.) Pages 17 and 19.

[372] History.com piece, cited above, states that the New York arrived on December 1, 1848.

[373] Medical belief today is that “Vibrio cholerae, the bacterial cause of cholera does not survive in dry conditions…” Thus, it would seem, cholera could not have been spread from contaminated clothing or bedding materials, etc. (“Draft document for a position paper against chlorine spraying at households of cholera patients.” Developed by UNICEF, CDC and MSY in 2011.)

[374] Cites: Sutton G. A report to the Indiana State Medical Society on Asiatic Cholera in the state, 1853. Proc of the Indiana State Medical Society. :3–54; and, Madison Daily Courier. June 26-July 30, 1849.

[375] Cites: Starr L. Centerville, IN: Old Trails Echo Press; 1939. History of Boston Township, Wayne County, Indiana; and, Richmond Palladium. July 4-Sept. 5, 1849.

[376] Perhaps Dr. James Henry Clark (1814-1869), a Newark physician who was the President of the Essex District Medical Society in 1867. According to the New Jersey Historical Society website, “Clark’s published writings cover medical topics, such as the Newark cholera epidemic (1849)…”

[377] A footnote was added to the effect that as of Oct 10, no new cases “have dome to our knowledge…”

[378] Five Points area.

[379] Converted to “living” quarters at Five Points.

[380] Dr. Carroll was the physician at the Orphan Asylum at the time and spent eight years in total as the physician (p.15). He notes (p.16) that there were about 300 admissions during 1849, “many of whom were sick when admitted, some “seventy children admitted within three weeks, all of whom were said to have been taken from Steamboats, or from dwellings where one or both of the parents had died of Cholera.” Writes: “Every child admitted during that year was…stripped of its clothing and washed in soap-suds before its admission amongst the other inmates; and the clothing thus taken off was boiled in water before being again used.”

[381] Ruth Carter (1992, p. 40) notes that the Cincinnati authorities “established a Cholera Hospital on the north side of the city in a house owned by leading citizen Charles Cist. Cist received $450 a month in rent, together with angry protests from many of his neighbors. The Gazette’s editorial urged that a new location be found.”

[382] Those who based their treatments upon empirical observation or experience – in this instance Dr. Carroll may be implying that “empirics” did not have medical degrees.

[383] “A genus of prickly shrubs or small trees, the bark and roots of which are of a deep yellow color; prickly ash.” (The Free Dictionary, citing: Webster’s Revised Unabridged Dictionary, 1913: C. & G. Merriam Co.)

[384] As in all lead extractions, it is now known that this is toxic.

[385] See Committee of Eclectic Physicians

[386] Mustard plaster. (Merriam-Webster Medical Dictionary).

[387] Acute pain in the abdomen.

[388] “Tenesmus is the feeling that you need to pass stools, even though your bowels are already empty. It may involve straining, pain, and cramping.” (Medline Plus, U.S. National Library of Medicine, National Institutes of Heath.)

[389] Ruth footnote 7. “Eversole, ‘Cincinnati Cholera Epidemics,’ p. 20.” There is no bibliography, but probably the same person is T. W. Eversole. “The Cincinnati Cholera Epidemic of 1849.” Cincinnati Historical Society Bulletin, Vol. 41, No. 3, 1983, pp. 21-30.

[390] Carter footnote no. 8: John Duffy, “The Impact of Asiatic Cholera on Pittsburgh, Wheeling, and Charleston,” Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine, Vol. 47, July 1964, pp. 210-211.

[391] Cites: Alan I. Marcus. “In Sickness and in Health: The Marriage of the Municipal Corporation to the Public Interest and the Problem of Public Health, 1820-1870.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cincinnati, 1979, 151-152.

[392] At the point of death. (Merriam-Webster Medical Dictionary.)

[393] Narcosis is “a state of stupor, unconsciousness, or arrested activity produced by the influence of narcotics or other chemicals or physical agents.” (Merriam-Webster Medical Dictionary.)

[394] “Delirium tremens is a severe form of alcohol withdrawal that involves sudden and severe mental or nervous system changes.” (MedlinePlus, U.S. National Library of Medicine, National Institutes of Health.)

[395] Eversole footnote 18: Cincinnati City Ordinances of 1849, p. 4.

[396] Calomel is Mercury (Evidence Based Science. “Calomel, they used to give it to children…” 2-11-2008). This site credits Loyola University, Chicago, to the effect that: “Medical uses for calomel were common well into the nineteenth century. It acts as a purgative and kills bacteria (and also does irreversible damage to their human hosts).”

[397] “Camphor used to be made by distilling the bark and wood of the camphor tree. Today, camphor is chemically manufactured from turpentine oil. It is used in products such as Vicks VapoRub….Although it is an UNSAFE practice, some people take camphor by mouth to help them cough up phlegm, for treating respiratory tract infections…Experts warn against doing this because, when ingested, camphor can cause serious side effects, even death.” (WebMD. “Camphor Overview Information.” Accessed 3-16-2015.)

[398] “Mercurial Ointment – Unguentum Hydrargyri…Mercurial ointment is prepared by rubbing together equal weights of mercury and fat, the latter consisting of equal weights of lard and suet.” (George B. Wood. A Treatise of Therapeutics, And Pharmacology Or Materia Medica Vol. 2. 1867.)

[399] Apparently this monument is in the St. Augustine cemetery. The “About St. Augustine” webpage from the Saint Augustine & Joseph Cemetery website (Minster, OH), notes: A devastating cholera epidemic…struck the town in 1849. The bodies of the victims were buried in the cemetery in an unmarked mass grave consisting of several trenches. Some of the victims were buried in individual graves. A monument to the memory of all the cholera victims was erected in 1937. The inscription of the memorial reads: In Pious Memory of All Our Cholera Victims, over 300, Especially in the year 1849.”

[400] A reference, we believe, to Judge A. W. Hendry of Sandusky. (Wikipedia. “Walter F. Stone [Ohio Supreme Court Associate Justice].” 1-17-2013 modification.)

[401] Broom of twigs tied to a stick.

[402] Poison breath – apparently a reference to upas tree found is Asia, producing a milky sap used to poison arrows.

[403] Originally meaning excrement of birds and bats.

[404] The question mark was inserted by the AJMS reviewer.

[405] The increase could also mean that some of these “bowel disease” deaths were misdiagnosed, and were cholera.

[406] Wynne writes: “On the 26^th…12 men and women were attacked with cholera on board of flat-boats, one fourth of a mile from the steamboat landing, and one hundred and fifty yards from each other.” (Wynne 1852, p. 80). [One might surmise that cholera bacteria from one or more of the steamboats was released via a water or privy discharge and was carried to the flatboats and was caught up in water used for drinking.]

[407] Brazos Santiago is a barrier island off the Texas coast, now in Cameron County, just south of South Padre Island.

[408] Upon investigation we note that Constantine J. Hering, M.D. “was one of the pioneers of Homeopathy in the United States…He founded a homeopathic school, the first of its kind in any country. From 1845 until 1869 he hilled the chairs of institutes of medicine and material medica in the Philadelphia College of Homeopathy.” (Wikipedia. “Constantine Hering.” 10-1-2014 modification.)