1854 — Jan 28, Coos Co. miners massacre Coquilles, Whiskey Run, no. of Coquille Ri., OR–16-17

— 17 Berry, Wm. J. Letter of 1-29-1854, Randolph City, Coquille Mines, to Mr. Bush.
–15 men
— 2 women “by accident”
— 16 Abbott, G. H. 2-2-1854 letter to Governor of Oregon Territory, from Port Orford.
— 16 Beckham. Requiem For A People: The Rogue Indians and the Frontiersmen. 1971, 135.
–15 men
— 1 woman
— 16 Berry, Wm. J. Letter of 1-29-1854, Randolph City, Coquille Mines, to Mr. Bush.
— 16 Gibbs, Jim. Oregon’s Salty Coast. Seattle: Superior Publishing Co., 1978.
–15 men
— 1 woman
— 16 Michno. Encyclopedia of Indian Wars: Western Battles and Skirmishes… 2003, p. 23.
–15-16 Schwartz, E. The Rogue River Indian War and its Aftermath, 1850–1980. 1997, 15-16.
— 16 Smith, F. M (Sub-Indian Agent, Port Orford). Letter of 25-1854 from Port Orford, O.T.
–15 men
— 1 woman

Narrative Information

Abbott, G. H. Letter to Governor of Oregon Territory, dated 2-2-1854, from Port Orford:

“Your Excellency

“I arrived here yesterday at 3½ o’clock, in company with Mr. F. M. Smith, sub-Indian agent, and Lieutenant Kautz, U.S.A., commanding officer at Fort Orford, from the Coquille River, which your excellency will undoubtedly learn in advance of this communication has been the scene of Indian difficulties for several days past.

“The causes &c. of the troubles your excellency can glean from the enclosed copy of the proceedings of the miners and citizens assembled en masse at the Coquille ferry on the 27th of January, and also the proceedings of the meeting at Randolph on the 30th and subsequent to the attack on the Indians which was made on the 28th. Therefore I will leave the causes and proceed with a report of the effects.

“At the meeting of the miners and citizens on the 27th a company of volunteers was organized of which I was chosen captain, A. F. Soap first lieutenant and Wm. H. Packwood second lieutenant (as your excellency may see in the report of those proceedings of the meeting) for the purpose of chastising the Indians effectively and immediately, the next morning (28th) being the time set for the attack.

“The Indian village was in three parts situated on both sides of the river and about one and a half miles from the mouth, one part on the north and two on the south side.

“The huts on the north side, being situated on open ground, was easy of approach, while those on the south were in the edge of a thicket connecting with a large and heavy body of timber.

“It was supposed that if the Indians were not completely surprised and should make a stand it would be at that portion of the village immediately occupied by the chief.

“I divided the company into three detachments, the first detachment, under First Lieutenant A. F. Soap, crossed the river (to the north side), took position on a mound overlooking the village, there to await the signal for attack. The second detachment, under Second Lieut. Wm. H. Packwood, took a circuitous route through the timber, intending to approach the village situated furthest up the river on the south side, from the rear, but owing to some deficiency in the guide this detachment did not get to their position until after the signal of attack was given. The third detachment, under my immediate command, taking a circuitous route, got a position in rear of the lower village (south side) and the part occupied by the chief.

“All of those movements were made before daylight the morning of the 28th. As soon as it was light the signal of attack (which was the report of a rifle fired by one of the party under my immediate command) was given, and the village was attacked at the three points simultaneously. The surprise was complete, consequently the resistance was but trifling. Sixteen of the Indians were killed and four wounded; among the latter was the chief. We took twenty old men, women and children.

“We destroyed the village by fire, but the principal portion of their provisions were saved, together with some twelve canoes. In burning the village a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition was destroyed. The Indians were thus severely chastised without any loss on the part of the whites, which will undoubtedly have a salutary effect on all the Indians inhabiting this coast from the Umpqua to Rogue River.

“Immediately after the destruction of the village, I sent out three of the women that had been taken in the engagement to find the chief, inviting him in and offering peace and friendship if he wished it. He returned for answer that a great portion of his people had been killed, that he was wounded himself, and that he asked peace and friendship for himself and the remainder of his people, stating that his heart was changed, that he did not wish to trouble the whites any further and that if I would send the chief of the tribe at Sixes River (who he knew to be in my camp at the time) to him with assurance that he would be protected, that he would come in.

“I sent that individual accordingly and the hostile chief, accompanied by ten of his principal men, came in to council. A friendly understanding was established and the volunteers were disbanded, the men returning to their peaceable occupations. The next day 29th Mr. F. M. Smith, sub-Indian agent from Port Orford, arrived at the ferry accompanied by Lieut. Kautz. Mr. Smith made every exertion to get to the scene of difficulties before hostilities commenced but was there only in time to establish more permanent understanding with the Indians, which he did in a manner highly creditable to himself as a public official.

“The foregoing report I deem it necessary to make to your excellency, as I was chosen by the miners and citizens at their meeting on the 28th (as your excellency will perceive) to forward two copies of the proceedings of the different meetings held by them during the few days’ active operations, one to your excellency and one to Mr. F. M. Smith, sub-agent Indian affairs at Port Orford.

“A simple copy of those proceedings, unaccompanied by a report of the attack and of the preceding and succeeding incidents, would be rather unsatisfactory.
I remain your
Excellency’s most
Obedient subject
G. H. Abbott

“To his excellency
Governor of Oregon.”

Beckham: “As the winter storms of 1853-54 tore at the rude plank shacks of the miners at Randolph, Port Orford, Elizabethtown, Prattsville, and Whalesburg, making work on the beaches impossible, the men, known to the more respectable pioneers as the ‘exterminators,’ began to spread their stories, retell old crimes of the Indians, and inflame fears. Several of these men, living near the ferry at the mouth of the Coquille River, called a meeting on January 27. The miners at Randolph and he cabins along the beach left their games of keno, euchre, monte, and poker to assemble that night.

“The meeting was orderly and planned to show, at least in outward appearance, its legality. A. F. Soap presided and William H. Packwood, one of the men shipwrecked at Camp Castaway in 1852, served as secretary. The miners leveled five grievances against the Nasomah band of the lower Coquilles. They specifically complained that an Indian had ridden a horse without permission, that the ferry rope had been mysteriously cut, and that the Indians had refused to come to a conference with the self-appointed leaders of the miners.

“On January 28 seventy-three men attended a second meeting. They resolved that the minutes of their session be sent to the Oregon newspapers and to the Indian agent at Port Orford. Thus vying for public approval, having gone through the formality of notifying the agent, who could not possibly have arrived before they acted, the Coos County volunteers adjourned, to reassemble shortly before dawn. Early that morning, while the Indian men, women, and children were still asleep in their village houses, forty volunteers under George H. Abbot attacked this settlement. The Coquilles, roused from their lodges, had only three guns and their bows and arrows with which to fight. Their attackers singled out the men and murdered fifteen of them. They also killed one woman and wounded two others.

“That same evening, S. M. Smith, the Indian agent, and Lieutenant August V. Kautz from Fort Orford, after a long and fruitless trip, arrived at the Coquille. They were too late to settle any problems which may have existed; they could only write their superiors about the gun-happy miners. On one further meeting, the volunteers congratulated themselves for their actions in quelling an imminent Indian war. Very probably their murders provoked the Coquilles, who retaliated during the next few months.” (Beckham, Stephen Dow. Requiem For A People: The Rogue Indians and the Frontiersmen. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1971, p. 135.)

Berry, Wm. J. Letter of 1-29-1854, Randolph City, Coquille Mines, to Mr. Bush”

“Mr. Bush–Dear Sir:–We have had a difficulty with the Indians, the details of which may be interesting to your numerous readers.

“The Indians located at the mouth of the Coquille have repeatedly warned the people residing here, and the miners scattered along the beach, that if they did not leave they would compel them to, or kill them. They have also committed several thefts, breaking into the houses of miners when they were absent at work, and stealing their provisions, ammunition &c. Two days since a messenger arrived together with an interpreter from the Indian agent at Port Orford and requested the Chief to come in and have a talk. He replied that he did not want to talk, that he wanted to fight, that he was an enemy to the whites and always would be an enemy. He also said that the Bostons were gone (meaning the soldiers) and that the rest of the Americans were all women and could not fight and that he intended to kill them all.

“Yesterday morning a small party from this place and vicinity together with a few resident at the Coquille attacked them at their rancharee [ranchero] and killed fifteen Indians; the rest fled–they then burnt the rancharee. The Chief was wounded, being shot through the shoulder. Two squaws were killed by accident. Eight squaws were taken prisoner. Later in the day the Chief came in and gave himself up. He said he was sorry that he was hostile to the whites and promised to behave better in future, that his heart was now changed. He also said that he had thought that it was only the soldiers who could fight, but that he had now found out his mistake. After some talk the prisoners were all set at liberty, some provisions were given them, and they were told that as long as they remained friendly and did not steal or molest the whites in their avocations they should be unmolested, and that if any white men injured them they should come in and make it known and have the matter investigated, and if wronged they should receive reparation.

“So the matter stands–war was declared, the enemy conquered, and peace restored in less than twelve hours. How long they will remain peaceable time will show.

“There was one thing which happened at which humanity shudders, but it is believed on all hands to have been purely accidental. After the firing had ceased a squaw was found in a swamp shot dead with her helpless infant lying by her side, so young as to be unconscious that its mother had ceased to live; she was endeavoring to get away with her child when a ball struck her which was intended for a man. Before the attack it was expressly agreed and understood that no women or children should be killed, and I repeat that it was purely accidental and is deplored by all. In connection with the case above named allow me to record an act of humanity: the men endeavored to persuade the squaws who were taken prisoners to go and bring in the child which lay by its dead mother, but they positively refused, saying that their chief would kill them if they touched it. One of the company then went out and brought the child in his arms and pulled off his shirt and wrapped it in it and gave it to one of the squaws and compelled her to nurse it. To the honor of the men concerned, be it recorded that there were none of those barbarous scenes enacted which make civilization blush for its name! No scalping or other desecration of the dead. They turned away feeling that they had performed a melancholy duty and sick at heart at the blood they shed. The people here are very poorly armed.

“A meeting was held in this place yesterday, the proceedings of which were ordered to be published, which I expect you will receive in due time. I will, however, give a copy of one resolution which was passed with but one dissenting voice.

“Resolved, That if any person or persons shall sell, give, barter, or in any manner dispose of any gun, rifle, pistol, carbine or other firearms, or any powder, lead, caps or other ammunition, to any Indian or Indians, such person or persons so offending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and for the first offense shall receive thirty-nine lashes upon the bare back, and for the second offense shall suffer death.”

Michno: “28 January 1854 Coquille Village (Bandon, Oregon).

“Although conflicts in Oregon had lessened during the winter of 1853-54, the settlers and miners in Randolph and at the Whiskey Run Mines thought the Nasomah band of Lower Coquille Indians were up to something–if only some mischief–and they decided to do something about it. George H. Abbott, A.F. Soap, and William H. Packwood led 40 volunteers to the sleeping Coquille village, a mile and a half from the coast. They attacked with a fury that the Indians–with only three guns and some bows and arrows among them–could not counter.

“With no injuries to themselves, the volunteers killed 15 men and 1 woman, wounded 4 others, and captured 20. The jubilant volunteers believed they had forestalled a planned Indian uprising. In reality, they had only begun another series of reprisals.” (Michno, Gregory F. Encyclopedia of Indian Wars: Western Battles and Skirmishes, 1850-1890. 2003, p. 23.)

Schwartz: “Miners had been drawn to the coast in large numbers when gold was found in black sands on a beach at the mouth of Whiskey Run, north of the Coquille River, in 1852. During the summer of 1853, the mixed-blood proprietors of this beach mine sold out for twenty thousand dollars…. A town called Randolph boomed into being, and by the fall of 1853, more than one thousand men were there, but only the one claim proved to be worth working.

“According to one of [Indian Agent] Joel Palmer’s subagents, F. M. Smith, miners in the Coquille country had complained that the Indians behaved insolently to whites, rode their horses without permission, and stole such things as paddles. One Indian supposedly fired a gun at four white men. The miners said they had sent for the chief, that he had sent back word that he would kill them if they came to his house, and that he intended to kill all the white men he could.

“The miners held a meeting the following day and resolved ‘that the Indians in this vicinity are in a state of hostility toward the whites, from their own acknowledgement and declarations,’ and that as early as possible the following morning, the morning of January 28, they would attack the Coquilles. They elected one George H. Abbott as the captain of this expedition. Abbott later reported that his company had surprised the Coquilles, even though ‘they have been making preparations for a stand for several days, and appeared to be very confident of their ability to fight the whites.’

“Fifteen Indians were killed, Abbott said, and the Coquilles’ houses were destroyed. The miners ‘took all the women and children and old men prisoners, as far as possible.’ Abbott assured Smith that his men behaved with ‘the greatest regularity’ and ‘avoided innocent bloodshed as much as possible.’ Abbott added, ‘I had almost forgot to say that our loss was none, in either killed, wounded, or prisoners. The Indians are in sight, hovering around the ashes of their homes’.”

“F. M. Smith was not pleased. ‘Why could they not have awaited my arrival?’ he asked in his report, and then answered his own question: had they waited, peace would have been made, and they would have lost ‘the pleasure and opportunity of settling the alleged difficulty in their own peculiar way.’ He sarcastically called them ‘Bold, brave, courageous men! to attack a friendly and defenseless tribe of Indians; to burn, roast, and shoot sixteen of their number; and all on suspicion that they were about to rise and drive from their country three hundred white men!’” (Schwartz, E. A . The Rogue River Indian War and its Aftermath, 1850–1980. 1997, pp. 61-62.)

Smith, F. M (Sub-Indian Agent, Port Orford). Letter of 25-1854 from Port Orford, O.T.:

“Port Orford O.T.
“February 5th 1854

“Hon. Sir,

“I grieve to report to you that a most horrid massacre, or rather an out-and-out barbarous murder, was perpetrated upon a portion of the Na-sou tribe, residing at the mouth of the Coquille River, on the morning of the 28th January past, by a party of forty miners. Before giving you the result of my examination and my own conclusions, I will give you the reasons which that party assign in justification of their acts.

“They avow that for some time past the Indians at the mouth of the Coquille River have been insolent–that they have been in the habit of riding the horses of white men without permission–that of late they have committed many thefts, such as stealing paddles and many other articles, the property of white men–that one of their number recently discharged his gun at the ferry houses–and that but a few days prior to the attack upon the Indians, the chief, on leaving the ferry house, where he had just been fed, fired his gun at a party of four white men, standing near the door of the house. They further state that on the 27th of January they sent for the chief to come in for a talk–that he not only refused to come in, but sent back word that he would kill white men if they came to his house–that he meant to kill all the white men he could–that he was determined to drive the white men out of his country–that he would kill the men at the ferry and burn their houses. This communication with the chief, and his returning answers, were had through my interpreter Chilliman, who happened to be there at that time on a visit. On the afternoon of the 27th of January, immediately after this correspondence with the chief, the white men at and near the ferry house assembled and deliberated upon the necessity of an immediate attack upon the Indians. The result of their deliberation, with the full proceedings of their meeting, is herein enclosed. (Read document No. 2.) At the conclusion of the meeting a courier was dispatched to the upper mines for assistance. A party of about twenty responded to this call, and arrived at the ferry house in the evening preceding the morning of the massacre. On the arrival of this reinforcement, the proceedings of the meeting first held were reconsidered and unanimously approved. The “upper mines,” referred to above, are on the sea beach, about seven miles north of the mouth of the Coquille. There are about 250 men at work there. At the dawn of day on the morning of the 28th of January, the party at the ferry, joined by about twenty men from the upper mines, organized under command of Geo. H. Abbott, with A. H. Soap as 1st lieutenant, and William H. Packwood as 2nd lieutenant, and in three detachments marched upon the Indian ranches and consummated a most inhuman slaughter. A full account of what they falsely term “a fight” you will find in the report which their captain, George H. Abbott, forwarded to me on the day of the massacre. Said report is marked No. 3, and is herein enclosed. The Indians were aroused from sleep to meet their death, with but feeble show of resistance; they were shot down as they were attempting to escape from their houses. Fifteen men and one squaw were killed–two men and two squaws were badly wounded. On the part of the white men, not even the slightest wound was received. The houses of the Indians, with but one exception, were fired and entirely destroyed. Thus was committed a massacre too inhuman to be readily believed. Now for my examination of this horrid affair.

“Receiving information from Mr. Abbott in the evening of the 28th of January in letter forwarded bearing date January 27th, that the Indians at the mouth of the Coquille River were disposed to be hostile, and that in consequence thereof the miners were arming, I immediately set about making preparation to start at an early hour of the following day for the scene of difficulty.

“On the morning of the 29th of January I left Port Orford for the Coquille, accompanied by Lieutenant Kautz, commanding Fort Orford.

“We arrived at the mouth of the Coquille, at the ferry house, early in the evening of that day. On my arrival Mr. Abbott handed me dispatch No. 4, containing, as you will find, an account of the proceedings at the ferry house during the day of the 28th of January. Early in the morning of the day after my arrival I sent for the chief, who immediately came in, attended by about thirty of his people. The chief, as well as those of his people present, were so greatly alarmed, and apparently so apprehensive that the white men would kill them, even in my presence, that it was with [a] good deal of difficulty that I could induce the chief to express his mind freely. He seemed only anxious to stipulate for peace and the future safety of his people, and to procure this he was willing to accept any terms that I might dictate. The chief was evidently afraid to complain of, or in any manner to censure the slaughterers of his tribe, and for some time replied to the charges made against him with a good deal of hesitancy. After repeated assurances of my protection he finally answered to the point every interrogatory. I asked him if he had at any time fired at the men at the ferry house. No was his prompt reply. At the time he was said to have fired upon the white men, he declared with great earnestness that he shot at a duck in the river, at a distance of some two hundred yards from the ferry house, when on his way home, and possibly the ball of his gun might have bounded from the water. My subsequent examination of the course of the river, and the point from which he was said to have fired, convinced me that his statement was entitled to the fullest credit. This statement of the chief is somewhat confirmed by the doubt expressed by one of the party at whom he was said to have fired. The white men making this accusation against the chief only heard; the whizzing of a bullet; this was the only evidence adduced in proof of the chief having fired at them. I asked the chief if he, or if to his knowledge any of his people, had ever fired at the ferry house. To this he answered No. The chief most emphatically denied sending threatening language to the men at the ferry, but admitted that some of his people had. He also admitted that some of his tribe had stolen from white men, and that they had used their horses without permission. He did not deny that his heart had been bad toward white men, and that he had hoped they would leave his country, but all graver charges, such as shooting at white people, or at their houses, he stoutly denied.

“The chief promised to do all I required of him; if I desired he said he would leave the home of his fathers and with his people would take to the mountains; but with my permission and the assurance of my protection he would prefer remaining in the present home of his people. Everything I asked or required of him he readily assented to, promising most solemnly to maintain on his part permanent friendly relations with white men. My interview with the tribe occupied about two hours. During the entire council they listened with most profound attention, evidently being determined to fasten on their minds all that fell from my lips. At the conclusion of the council I requested the chief to send for all the guns and pistols in the possession of his men. You will be surprised when I tell you that all the guns and pistols in the hands of the Indians at the ranches, at the time of the massacre, amounted to just five pieces, two of which were wholly unserviceable. As to powder and ball, I do not believe they had even five rounds. Does this look like being prepared for war? Can any sane man believe that these Indians, numbering not over seventy-five, men, women and children, all told, with but three serviceable guns, had concocted a plan to expel from their country some 300 white men? Such a conclusion is too preposterous to be entertained even for a moment. Sir, there was no necessity for resorting to such extreme measures. I regard the murder of these Indians as one of the most barbarous acts ever perpetrated by civilized men. But what can be done? The leaders of the party cannot be arrested, though justice largely demands their punishment. Here we have not even a justice of the peace; and as to the military force garrisoned at Fort Orford, it consists of but four men! If such murderous assaults are to be continued, there will be no end of Indian war in Oregon.

“The proceedings of the meetings held at the mines above the Coquille I herein enclose. Those meetings were held subsequent to the massacre. The action of the citizens present at these meetings was based upon the statements of those engaged in the affair at the mouth of the Coquille. I was assured by several gentlemen at the upper mines that word was sent up from the ferry house that Mr. Abbott was acting upon my authority–specially deputed by a full commission from my hands, and that the government interpreter was with him. Upon this and other kindred reports was based the proceedings of their meetings. The very first intimation of there being any difficulty, or any misunderstanding whatever, between the Indians and white men at the mouth of the Coquille, I received by letter from Mr. Abbott on the 28th of January late in the afternoon of that day. You will find by referring to the letter marked No. 1 that it bears date January 27th. The distance from Port Orford to the Coquille ferry is about twenty-eight miles. I left Port Orford for the scene of difficulty, as before stated, on the morning of the 29th of January, the earliest possible moment after receiving Abbott’s communication. Now, why could they not have awaited my arrival?

“I will tell you why, and it was urged in the meeting at the ferry house; they knew if they awaited the arrival of the Indian agent a treaty would be entered into, and friendly relations with the Indians would be established without the sacrifice of Indian life. In plainer words, and more in accordance with the spirit and acts of these men, if they awaited my arrival they would lose the pleasure and opportunity of settling the alleged difficulty in their own peculiar way. On reading of the proceedings of the meeting at the “upper mines,” you will observe that it had been reported there that a large quantity of firearms and powder was destroyed in the burning of the Indian ranches. The report, of course, was sent up by the party engaged in the massacre. I do not hesitate to pronounce the statement false–false in every particular. Bold, brave, courageous men! to attack a friendly and defenseless tribe of Indians–to burn, roast, and shoot sixteen of their number, and all on suspicion that they were about to rise and drive from their country some 300 white men. In justice to Mr. Abbott, I must add that he wholly denies having sent word to the “upper mines” that he was acting upon authority delegated by me to him; on the contrary he asserts that he openly declared in the meeting at the ferry house, the night preceding the attack upon the Indian ranches, that he possessed no authority at my hands–that he acted, and should continue to act, upon his own responsibility, and such further authority as should be conferred on him by the people there assembled.

“In conclusion, I am happy to inform you that the Indians throughout my district are disposed to live on friendly relations with white men. They evince no desire whatever to be hostile, nor do I believe that they will ever become so, unless forced by savage white men.

“I am sir your obt. servant,
F. M. Smith
Sub-Indian Agent”

Sources

Abbott, G. H. Letter to the Governor of Oregon Territory, dated 2-2-1854, from Port Orford. Accessed 7-2-2021 at: https://truwe.sohs.org/files/1854%20superintendency.html

Beckham, Stephen Dow. Requiem For A People: The Rogue Indians and the Frontiersmen. Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1971.

Berry, Wm. J. Letter of 1-29-1854, Randolph City, Coquille Mines, to Mr. Bush. Accessed 7-2-2021 at: https://truwe.sohs.org/files/1854%20superintendency.html

Gibbs, Jim. Oregon’s Salty Coast. Seattle: Superior Publishing Co., 1978.

Michno, Gregory F. Encyclopedia of Indian Wars: Western Battles and Skirmishes, 1850-1890. Missoula, MT: MP Mountain Press, 2003. Partially Google digitized at: http://books.google.com/books?id=MmNtF5n-VuEC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false

Schwartz, E. A . The Rogue River Indian War and its Aftermath, 1850–1980. Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997. Partially Google digitized. Accessed 9-7-2012 at: http://books.google.com/books?id=OZwAnfQj62cC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false

Smith, F. M (Sub-Indian Agent, Port Orford). Letter of 25-1854 from Port Orford, O.T. Accessed 7-2-2021 at: https://truwe.sohs.org/files/1854%20superintendency.html

Southern Oregon History, Revised. “Correspondence of the Oregon Superintendency 1854.” Accessed 7-2-2021 at: https://truwe.sohs.org/files/1854%20superintendency.html